No / Many current threats to security arising from terrorism, 'rogue' states and civil wars are highly complex and often transnational in nature and effect. Such threats can no longer be meaningfully addressed at the national level alone but require an international response. Since the end of the Cold War, the use of force under international auspices (UN, NATO, EU) has increased substantially. However, such actions have not necessarily been accompanied by improvements in their democratic accountability. Pre-existing problems and inadequacies of parliamentary oversight of armed forces and use of force at the national level of many democratic states are mirrored, and even magnified, at the international level. The effect of imperfect democratic controls at the national level and the challenges to provide transparent and accountable multilateral responses results in the so-called `double democratic deficit¿ of the international use of force. Each chapter in this innovative work analyses the challenges of parliamentary and democratic supervision of international security structures and puts forward proposals on how to improve democratic accountability of multinational responses to complex security challenges.

No description available.

My dissertation contributes to the accountability literature in international relations by examining the role constituents' preferences can potentially play in fomenting or constraining coercive foreign policies in democracies. In times of international crises, domestic audiences have specific coercive foreign policy preferences and will support executives who represent them when selecting coercive foreign policies. Executive actions will increase popular support or generate audience costs depending on whether these actions are consistent with the specific policy preferences that domestic audiences have given the threat a crisis poses to national security. To determine when audiences prefer economic or military coercion and how these preferences affect their evaluation of the executive I conduct three experiments, including a survey experiment conducted with a representative sample of Americans and an experiment conducted with a convenience sample in the United Kingdom. The results show interesting similarities and differences between the cross-national samples regarding foreign policy preferences and the public's propensity to support and punish leaders during times of international conflict. Mainly, I find that (1) the concept of audience costs can be expanded to cases of economic coercion, (2) under certain circumstances audience costs operate even in crises that are not very salient and (3) when there is a mismatch between public preferences and threats issued by the executive, audience costs do not operate at all.

Submitted by LEONARDO DA ROCHA LOURES BUENO (leobueno17@gmail.com) on 2018-03-27T19:46:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 939137 bytes, checksum: 7741971330ea7a2ea03895a755176467 (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Leonardo, Para que possamos aprovar seu trabalho são necessários alguns ajustes conforme norma ABNT/APA. ESTRUTURA Capa (obrigatório)- Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 Contra Capa - Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 Ficha catalográfica/ Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 ( Deve ser colocada exatamente como foi recebida da biblioteca, alterar apenas a numeração de pagina. Deixar as informações que estão fora do quadrado ) Folha de aprovação - Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 - nesta folha NÃO tem SÃO PAULO 2018 - DEDICATÓRIA Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 ( A PALAVRA DEDICATÓRIA DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO ) - Opcional - AGRADECIMENTOS - Fonte: Arial / Tamanho da fonte: 12 (A PALAVRA AGRADECIMENTO DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO ) - RESUMO (A PALAVRA RESUMO DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO): espaçamento simples (150 a 500 palavras), com palavras-chave (obrigatório). - ABSTRACT ( A PALAVRA ABSTRACT DEVE SER MAIUSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO ) em língua estrangeira . A numeração só pode aparecer a partir da Introdução (antes não pode ) Após os ajustes excluir o pdf já postado e submete-lo novamente para analise e aprovação. Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição, Att. Pâmela Tonsa on 2018-03-28T19:19:31Z (GMT) / Submitted by LEONARDO DA ROCHA LOURES BUENO (leobueno17@gmail.com) on 2018-03-29T14:12:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 942358 bytes, checksum: ac3e3e337b6b2ee8a38e6063f5e1f801 (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Conforme conversamos, Favor corrigir e submeter novamente, att, Pâmela Tonsa on 2018-04-03T13:44:43Z (GMT) / Submitted by LEONARDO DA ROCHA LOURES BUENO (leobueno17@gmail.com) on 2018-04-03T18:36:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 941695 bytes, checksum: 9fb42a1ab359df982fcac220d17979c4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-04-04T22:57:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 941695 bytes, checksum: 9fb42a1ab359df982fcac220d17979c4 (MD5) / Rejected by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br), reason: Prezado Leonardo, O título do seu trabalho que está na folha de rosto não confere com o título que está na ficha catalográfica, sendo assim é necessário fazer a correção e submeter o arquivo novamente. No pedido da ficha catalográfica que foi solicitado a biblioteca, o título que o senhor enviou foi: Master’s thesis: retrospective voting in Brazil: a case study of São Paulo’s smart-card policy, porém no trabalho o título está diferente, houve alteração do título do seu trabalho? Quaisquer dúvidas entrar em contato com o telefone 11 3799-7732 on 2018-04-06T13:06:17Z (GMT) / Submitted by LEONARDO DA ROCHA LOURES BUENO (leobueno17@gmail.com) on 2018-04-06T19:38:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 941554 bytes, checksum: ff6a3af8c2471aca559bef0bdb338573 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-04-06T20:38:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 941554 bytes, checksum: ff6a3af8c2471aca559bef0bdb338573 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br) on 2018-04-09T12:24:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 941554 bytes, checksum: ff6a3af8c2471aca559bef0bdb338573 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T12:24:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Defesa_vfinal_biblioteca.pdf: 941554 bytes, checksum: ff6a3af8c2471aca559bef0bdb338573 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Retrospective voting is a major concern of scholars worried about democratic accountability. The work attempts to measure the retrospective voting of an important urban policy in Brazil’s largest metropolis, São Paulo - SP. The Bilhete Único policy was the first smart-card for public transportation in Brazil. Commuters with the smart-card were able to save up to three bus fares in a journey, a substantial amount of money for most of São Paulo’s citizens. Using a mixed method approach, I try to test the hypothesis that the policy improvement on welfare positively impacted the electorate performance of the incumbent mayor. My findings suggest that not all bus users rewarded the incumbent mayor for delivering the policy. In particular, students and students’ families seem to be the ones who actually felt the policy effects and cast a retrospective vote. This could be due to delivery network difficulties and to the timing of the policy. Additionally, I employ a normative discussion to establish benchmarks of better public goods. Retrospective voting does not necessarily reward the best policies, therefore the need to discuss benchmarks. / O voto retrospectivo é um grande tema de acadêmicos preocupados com a responsabilidade democrática. O trabalho tenta medir a votação retrospectiva de uma importante política urbana na maior metrópole do Brasil, São Paulo - SP. A política do Bilhete Único foi o primeiro cartão inteligente para transporte público no Brasil. Os passageiros com o cartão inteligente conseguiram economizar até três passagens de ônibus em uma viagem, uma quantia substancial de dinheiro para a maioria dos cidadãos de São Paulo. Usando uma abordagem de método misto, tento testar a hipótese de que a melhoria da política sobre o bem-estar impactou positivamente o desempenho do eleitorado da prefeita em exercício. Minhas descobertas sugerem que nem todos os usuários de ônibus recompensaram a prefeita por ter entregue a política. Em particular, alunos e as famílias dos alunos parecem ter sido os que realmente sentiram os efeitos da política e votaram retrospectivamente. Isso pode ser devido às dificuldades na rede de entrega e ao momento da política. Além disso, emprego uma discussão normativa para estabelecer benchmarks de melhores bens públicos. A votação retrospectiva não necessariamente recompensa as melhores políticas, por isso, a necessidade de discutir benchmarks.

No description available.

O presente trabalho busca examinar, em perspectiva histórica, aspectos sociopolíticos e jurídicos relacionados à formação da Administração Pública no Brasil e às suas características, notadamente no que concerne ao processo de legitimação do exercício do poder pelo aparelho burocrático e ao seu potencial controle pelos cidadãos. Argumenta-se que, se por um lado tais características revelam a resistência de um modelo associado ao legado ibérico, de outro evidenciam uma peculiar e progressiva abertura ao controle democrático, especialmente após a redemocratização e a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Adotando o exercício do poder administrativo discricionário como categoria de análise, os aspectos inerentes ao processo de transformação daquele modelo são examinadas a partir de quatro eixos, a saber: a singular tensão entre Iberismo e Americanismo no Brasil; a renovação teórica acerca da democracia representativa e das perspectivas sobre o controle democrático; o pós-positivismo e sua potencial conexão com uma concepção responsiva do direito e, finalmente, a queda de velhos paradigmas de legitimação do exercício do poder discricionário estatal, em âmbito mundial, a partir dos anos 1980, o que teria dado ensejo ao crescimento e fortalecimento de um escrutínio pragmático e consequencialista das decisões discricionárias da administração pública também no Brasil. / This work intents to analyze, in a historical perspective, some sociopolitical and juridical traits of the Brazilian public administration formation and its associated characteristics, particularly those related to the legitimization process of the bureaucratic power exercise and its accountability by citizens. We shall argue that, if at the one side those characteristics testify the resilience of an original bureaucratic model, by the other they open some ways to a peculiar and progressive democratic accountability, specifically after the return of the democracy and the few years later adoption of a new Constitution in 1988. Taking the discretionary power as an analytical frame, the main traits related to the progressive transformation of the Iberian original administrative model are here analyzed under four major axes: the peculiar tension between Iberism and Americanism along Brazilian history; the theoretical renovation of the representative democracy and of the perspectives over democratic accountability; the post-positivism and its links with the transition toward responsive law and, finally, the fall down of the old paradigms that used to legitimate the exercise of discretionary powers, all over the occidental world, until the early 1980s, what brought and made grow up new promising kinds of pragmatic and democratic scrutiny over some States traditionally discretionary decisions in Brazil.

O presente trabalho busca examinar, em perspectiva histórica, aspectos sociopolíticos e jurídicos relacionados à formação da Administração Pública no Brasil e às suas características, notadamente no que concerne ao processo de legitimação do exercício do poder pelo aparelho burocrático e ao seu potencial controle pelos cidadãos. Argumenta-se que, se por um lado tais características revelam a resistência de um modelo associado ao legado ibérico, de outro evidenciam uma peculiar e progressiva abertura ao controle democrático, especialmente após a redemocratização e a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Adotando o exercício do poder administrativo discricionário como categoria de análise, os aspectos inerentes ao processo de transformação daquele modelo são examinadas a partir de quatro eixos, a saber: a singular tensão entre Iberismo e Americanismo no Brasil; a renovação teórica acerca da democracia representativa e das perspectivas sobre o controle democrático; o pós-positivismo e sua potencial conexão com uma concepção responsiva do direito e, finalmente, a queda de velhos paradigmas de legitimação do exercício do poder discricionário estatal, em âmbito mundial, a partir dos anos 1980, o que teria dado ensejo ao crescimento e fortalecimento de um escrutínio pragmático e consequencialista das decisões discricionárias da administração pública também no Brasil. / This work intents to analyze, in a historical perspective, some sociopolitical and juridical traits of the Brazilian public administration formation and its associated characteristics, particularly those related to the legitimization process of the bureaucratic power exercise and its accountability by citizens. We shall argue that, if at the one side those characteristics testify the resilience of an original bureaucratic model, by the other they open some ways to a peculiar and progressive democratic accountability, specifically after the return of the democracy and the few years later adoption of a new Constitution in 1988. Taking the discretionary power as an analytical frame, the main traits related to the progressive transformation of the Iberian original administrative model are here analyzed under four major axes: the peculiar tension between Iberism and Americanism along Brazilian history; the theoretical renovation of the representative democracy and of the perspectives over democratic accountability; the post-positivism and its links with the transition toward responsive law and, finally, the fall down of the old paradigms that used to legitimate the exercise of discretionary powers, all over the occidental world, until the early 1980s, what brought and made grow up new promising kinds of pragmatic and democratic scrutiny over some States traditionally discretionary decisions in Brazil.

International investment agreements largely cover today’s transnational investments. These agreements confer certain substantive rights to foreign investors while simultaneously obliging host-states to act in a given manner so as to not interfere with the investments. Most international investment agreements further contain an arbitration clause which provides the investor with the means to enforce the substantive rights of the agreement by directly bringing a claim against the host-state before an arbitral tribunal. Consequently, privately contracted arbitrators have the authority to scrutinize and overrule essentially any sovereign act of the host-state that may affect the investment – judicial and legislative acts included. This practice affects not only the parties of the dispute; when the arbitral award claims superiority to the state’s electoral choices, it further constrains the exercise of sovereignty by the population of the host-state. As a result, the arbitrators who manage the disputes and the investors who initiate them have become central power-holders in the context of both international and domestic law. Meanwhile, the arbitrators and investors alike seem to be unaccountable to the states and individuals who are adversely affected by their power assertions. A commonly accepted feature of democracy is that those who govern and wield power should be accountable to those who are governed and subjected to this power. This thesis relates this notion to a Foucauldian understanding of power, domination and resistance. The primary aim of the thesis is to examine the interplay between the prominent subjects involved in investor-state arbitration and to what degree these subjects hold power in the form of transformative capacity. After this investigation into the relations of power, the thesis scrutinizes the subjugated subjects’ ability to exercise effective resistance through institutionalized accountability mechanisms. The thesis detects an accountability deficit in the regime and concludes that foreign investors and arbitrators hold a dominant position within the context of investor-state arbitration, while states and individuals find themselves in a state of domination. The international investment regime, as it currently stands, is thus found to suffer from a democracy deficit, while it concurrently seems to undermine domestic democratic institutions.

The issue of environmental risks from the pharmaceutical endocrine disrupter 17 alpha-ethinyl oestradiol (EE2), which is an active ingredient in the contraceptive pill, confronts government responsibilities for citizens' health with potential environmental risks from its presence in aquatic ecosystems. Further to a risk appraisal process conducted under the Water Framework Directive (WFD) between 2006 and 2012, the European Commission recommended the imposition of an environmental quality standard for EE2. In 2013, this recommendation was rejected by politicians. The outcome was both contested and commended. The UK Government was particularly vehement in its opposition and claimed that the risk assessment process for EE2 was not robust. The UK Government also insisted that it had swayed opinion of other EU Member States to convince them that action for EE2 was not proportionate given the extremely elevated costs of risk control options. At the present time, environmental policy for EE2 and other endocrine disrupters remains resolutely ineffective. Despite three distinct policy interventions recommending precautionary action for EE2 during the past twenty years, emissions of this potent, oestrogenic endocrine disrupter continue unabated. This thesis explains why European politicians rejected the European Commission’s risk governance recommendations for EE2 in 2013 under the Water Framework Directive. This comprises its principal empirical contribution. A novel analytical framework which draws on insights from the policy sciences, risk governance and wicked problems literature is developed. This framework is employed to determine whether the policy outcome for EE2, and the decision-making processes that preceded it, were legitimate. The research findings in this respect advance understanding of the implications of specific properties of wicked problems, of which it is argued, EE2 is an example, for the legitimacy of decision-making processes during the risk appraisal and political phases of policy development in Europe. This comprises the principle theoretical contribution of the thesis. Recommendations to promote more effective and legitimate policy development for wicked problems in similar multi-level governance contexts are also made.