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The following paper analyses the similarities and differences as well as the motives and strategies of the demonstrations in Iran which occurred in 2017/2018 and since September of 2022. The findings are discussed using the Rentier State Theory. A pure comparative analysis is not made, rather a case study with the demonstrations as two components. The demonstrations that started in September 2022 is ongoing as of the writing of this paper, despite this are several findings made. Similarities are seen in the participating people between the years, as well as some recurring cities. The biggest differences are the longevity of the demonstrations despite interventions of the regime, the greater unity amongst socioeconomic groups in the ongoing demonstrations as well as the grievances of electoral frauds leading up t. The motive of 2022 is more focused on revolution instead of the reforms of 2017, these differences is however partly uncertain. The strategies were in the beginning similar, with taking of the headscarf as a more prominent action in the demonstrations of 2022. Many of the underlying grievances can be discussed via the Rentier State Theory, for example the democratic deficit and economic hardships. The details and observations are several, but the main conclusion is how the ongoing demonstrations are greater in both numbers, motives, and strategies. The theory is found useful to explain this phenomenon of instability and grievance between state and civilians.

Thesis (PhD (Education)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / 334 leaves single sided printed, preliminary pages i-xiv and numbered pages 1-322. Includes bibliography, abbreviations and list of figures. / Scanned using a Hp Scanjet 8250 Scanner to pdf format (OCR). / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The world is at a rapid pace being confronted with the need to shift national education policies that reflect basic human rights, with equity and fairness to the forefront. Along side of this herald are demonstrations of active mobilizations on the part of institutions of higher learning to "internationalize" their policies and programs to help to produce global citizens that effectively interact in international settings. As South Africa experiences changing scenes in educational reform government officials, practitioners, and educators face a number of challenges. Particularly, those related to cultural interactions when engaging in activities across the diaspora of school environments. Often these challenges serve as impediments to open communication, understanding and sensitivity amongst diverse cultural groups. As these impediments are faced in classrooms teachers increasingly find themselves at a deficit to adequately host learning environments conducive to its participants. Institutions of higher learning have a responsibility to provide the kind of intercultural dialog that entrenches policies and program curricula that speak to the needs of diverse communities, in particular those preparing future teachers. The research introduces the concept of global education communities to contribute towards shaping the kind of institutions that provide opportunities for students to practice, and become skilled in intercultural understanding. The research also raises serious discussion through the proposal of the elements of intercultural education towards contributive measures to address intercultural education, communication, and training. A case study of a four year pre-service general education training program (BEd GET) at the University Stellenbosch was conducted to trace and examine the presence of intercultural education. Data was collected by means of triangulated document analysis, interviews, and questionnaires. The research looked to a metaphoric analogy using Appreciative Inquiry, power with, and elements of intercultural education. The data was analyzed using qualitative strategies including classification and category construction, with imaginative variation and heuristic inquiry. The findings revealed that themes from intercultural education found expression or appearance in some aspects of the program outcomes, various module offerings, and teacher practice and approaches of the BEd GET curriculum. While the research also revealed that intercultural education does not appear to be a wholly attended pedagogy and practice in the GET program, the findings and interpretations revealed that intercultural education has numerous opportunities for expression and appearance to lay foundations for intercultural practice in theory. Another dimension of the research also revealed that students and lecturers collectively were not familiar with the concept of intercultural education, nor could a distinction between multicultural, and intercultural education be made. Furthermore, students' understandings and feelings reveal some resistance to themes in cultural diversity. The findings seem to reveal a need to incorporate strategies that raise intercultural consciousness. In view of the University of Stellenbosch's plan to internationalize, the findings present critical implications and recommendations toward incorporating intercultural pedagogy and practice into the methodological framework of the BEd General Education program. It finally poses future program and module development with respects to intercultural education and practice through the suggested use of the Hammer and Bennett's (1998, 2002) Intercultural Development Inventory (IDI). / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die wereld word teen 'n versnelde tempo gekonfronteer met die noodsaaklikheid om nasionale onderwysbeleid wat menseregte, veral billikheid en regverdigheid, op die voorgrond stel. Saam met hierdie oproep is daar aanduidings van die mobilisering van institusies van hoer opvoeding om hu1le beleid en programme te "internasionaliseer" om burgers te vorm wat effektief met 'n globale wereld kan omgaan. Soos wat Suid-Afiika veranderende situasies ervaar in onderwyshervorming, word amptenare, praktisyns, opvoeders en ander betrokke in onderwysgemeenskappe gekonfronteer met 'n verskeidenheid uitdagings. Veral die verbonde aan kulturele interaksies betrokke by 'n diaspora van skoolomgewings. Die uitdagings dien dikwels as hindernisse vir oop kommunikasie, begrip en sensitiwiteit tussen verskillende kulturele groepe. In besonder wanneer hierdie hindernisse in klaskamers aangedurf word deur onderwysers wat meesal self 'n tekort aan voldoende leerervaring het om leeromgewings in belang van die deelnemers te fasiliteer. Hoeronderwys institusies het 'n verantwoordelikheid om beleid en programkurrikula te voorsien wat interkulturele dialoog verskans wat spreek tot die behoeftes van diverse gemeenskappe, veral die wat voornemende onderwysers voorberei. Die navorsing stel die konsep globale onderwysgemeenskappe voor om by te dra tot die vorming van institusies wat geleenthede skep vir studente om interkulturele begrip te oefen en vaardig daarin te word. Die navorsing stel elemente van interkulturele onderwys voor wat kan dien tot die bevordering van dialogiese betrokkenheid in interkulturele onderwys, kommunikasie en opleiding. 'n Gevallestudie van 'n vierjaar voordiens algemene onderwysprogram (BEd Algemeen) by die Universiteit van Stellenbosch was ondemeem vir spore van en om die voorkoms van interkulturele onderwys in oenskou te neem. Data is versamel deur middel van 'n getrianguleerde dokument analise, onderhoude en vraelyste. Die navorsing kyk na 'n metaforiese analogie waarin waarderende ondersoek, mag-met, en elemente van interkulturele onderwys gebruik is. Vir die analise van die data is kwalitatiewe strategiee gebruik, wat klassifikasie en kategorie konstruksie in kombinasie met verbeeldingsryke variasie en heuristiese ondersoek insluit. Die bevindings toon dat temas van interkulturele onderwys uitdrukking vind of verskyn in aspekte van die programuitkomste, verskillende module aanbiedings, en onderwys praktyke en benaderings van die BEd Algemeen kurrikulum. Terwyl ook bevind is dat interkulturele onderwys nie werklik in die pedagogie en praktyk van die program figureer nie, toon die interpretasie talle geleenthede om interkulturele praktyk te vestig en tot uitdrukking te bring. 'n Ander faset van die navorsing het getoon dat studente en lektore kollektief nie bekend is met die konsep van interkulturele onderwys nie, en dat dit nie onderskei kon word van multikulturele nie. Boonop, het studente se begrip en gevoelens 'n neiging tot verset teenoor temas van kulturele diversiteit getoon. Die bevindinge suggereer 'n behoefte aan die insluiting van strategiee om interkulturele bewussyn te verhoog. In die lig van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch se planne om te internasionaliseer, hou die bevindinge kritiese implikasies en aanbevelings in vir die inkorporasie van interkulturele pedagogie en praktyk in die metodologiese raamwerk van die BEd Algemeen-program. Dit stel die ontwikkeling van modules in interkulturele onderwys en praktyk voor deur die gebruik van Hammer en Bennett se (1998,2002) Intercultural Development Inventory (IDI).

Centrée essentiellement autour de la parole épiscopale congolaise, la présente recherche porte sur les articulations de la religion et du politique dans une perspective limitée au catholicisme en RDC. En prenant pour base empirique la ville de Kinshasa, elle thématise les effets des dynamiques religieuses sur les fermentations sociales et les changements politiques dans un contexte d’autoritarisme. Celui-ci est, dans ce travail, problématisé comme le fait conjoint de l’institution étatique et de l’organisation religieuse catholique. Le choix de cette approche relationnelle basée sur les interactions entre religion et politique, permet d’inscrire ce travail dans le champ d’études des sciences des religions. L’approche retenue s’appuie également sur les avancées de la sociologie politique et éclaire la régulation religieuse du politique, rarement étudiée par les sciences humaines. Cette recherche s’inscrit donc à l’intersection entre l’histoire, la sociologie, les sciences politiques, l’anthropologie, l’analyse du discours, la philosophie et la théologie. Sa thèse centrale est organisée autour d’une question principale : comment la religion participe-t-elle à la régulation du politique dans le contexte d’autoritarisme caractéristique de la RDC ? La réponse à cette question croise l’approche fonctionnelle de la religion et l’analyse des déclarations institutionnelles de l’épiscopat congolais. Elle esquisse les relations entre, d’une part, contextes et événements sociopolitiques et d’autre part, discours et pratiques religieuses. Elle construit la scène religieuse à partir de la trajectoire sociopolitique, économique et culturelle de la RDC entre 1990 et 2015, sous les Présidents J.-D. Mobutu, L.-D. Kabila et J. Kabila. Elle étudie l'offre normative de sens de leurs éminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou et L. Monsengwo. L’analyse de la rhétorique de l’épiscopat sur les élections vérifie la plausibilité sociale et l’efficience politique de la parole épiscopale congolaise. Elle se ressource dans la pragmatique de la communication telle que mise en œuvre dans l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et dans celle du discours politique de P. Charaudeau. En mettant la focale sur l’objet linguistique « vérité des urnes », la recherche pose au niveau normatif, juridique et éthique, le problème de l’institutionnalisation d’un État de droit en RDC. Les élaborations sur ce dernier niveau s’articulent autour de l’inscription de l’éthique dans l’agir politique. L’examen des modes conventionnels d’action des chrétiens (élections de 2006 et 2011) et non conventionnels (marche des chrétiens de 1992 et 2012) conduit à éclairer les modes de reproduction ou de contestation de l’autoritarisme étatique par l’organisation religieuse. Il permet de promouvoir une démocratie des valeurs et d’action adossée à la parrhêsia. L’introduction de l’aléthique dans la vie publique donne à voir la parole épiscopale congolaise comme un discours ethopoïétique. C’est sur ce point précis que les élaborations de M. Foucault sur la parrhêsia aident à thématiser la capacité de la religion à informer et à influencer la démocratisation de la RDC. De là, la requête formulée pour un nouveau système d’action institutionnelle de l’organisation religieuse, susceptible de promouvoir le courage de la vérité en situation autoritaire. Cette innovation permet de tenir ensemble les valeurs démocratiques et les valeurs de l’Évangile, en les corrélant à la cohérence axiologique, à la probité morale et à l’intégrité existentielle des protagonistes de la démocratisation de la RDC. / Articulated mainly around the Congolese Episcopal speech, this research focuses on the joints of religion and politics in a limited perspective to Catholicism in the DRC. Taking as empirical basis Kinshasa, she thematizes the effects of religious dynamics on social fermentations and policy changes in an authoritarian context. This is, in this work, problematized as Partner of state institution and the Catholic religious organization. The choice of this relational approach based on the interaction between religion and politics, allows to place this work in the field of study of Religious Studies. The approach is also based on the advances in political sociology and illuminates the religious regulation policy, rarely studied by the humanities. This research is therefore the intersection between history, sociology, political science, anthropology, discourse analysis and theology. Its central thesis is organized around a central question: how religion she participates in the policy of regulation in the context of authoritarianism characteristic of the DRC? The answer to this question crosses functional approach to religion and the analysis of institutional statements by the Congolese bishops. It outlines the relationship between on the one hand, and socio-political events and contexts other, speech and religious practices. It built the religious scene from the sociopolitical, economic and cultural trajectory of the DRC between 1990-2015, Under the Presidents J.-D. Mobutu L.-D. Kabila and J. Kabila. She studies the normative sense to offer their eminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou and L. Monsengwo. The analysis of the rhetoric of the episcopate on elections plausibility checks social and political efficiency of the Congolese Bishops' word. The resource in the pragmatics of communication as implemented in the argumentative discourse analysis R. Amossy and in the political discourse of P. Charaudeau. By putting the focus on linguistic object "truth of the polls", the research raises the normative, legal and ethics, institutionalization problem of the rule of law in the DRC. Elaborations on this last level revolve around the inclusion of ethics in political action. The review of conventional modes of action of Christians (2006 elections and 2011) and unconventional (on Christians in 1992 and 2012) led to enlighten reproduction modes or challenge to the state authoritarianism by the religious organization. It helps promote democracy values and action backed parrhesia. The introduction of the alethic in public life gives you the Congolese Episcopal ethopoïétique speech as a speech. It is on this point that M. Foucault elaborations on parrhesia help thematize the ability of religion to inform and influence the democratization of the DRC. From there, the request made for a new system of institutional action of the religious organization, capable of promoting the courage of truth in authoritarian situation. This innovation allows to hold together the democratic values and the values of the Gospel, by correlating the consistency axiological, moral probity and existential integrity of the protagonists of democratization of the DRC.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

In the 1950s, apartheid policies in the Natal countryside served to oppress the majority of African women more than they had ever been before. Yet ironically, it was their being 'left behind' by the system of migrant labour that goaded them into taking overt action against their condition in 1959. The aim of this mini-dissertation is to trace and explain their struggle against "grand apartheid". These women were a force to be reckoned with, and the government of the day felt temporarily threatened by their actions. This study vehemently rejects the misconception that the African women of the rural areas of Natal were docile, slave-like individuals, who placidly accepted their position. The protest marches in the 1950's, more especially 1959, proved African women to be strong-willed and determined to succeed against all odds. These women emerge as anything but placid and docile. History has shown us that women's oppression is not simply a matter of equal rights or discrimination under the law. African women struggled to be recognised as human beings, no different from any other race. In the early 1950's African women, in most parts of South Africa, became more politically active. They played a significant role in the 1952 Defiance Campaign. Shortly after that a "Women's Charter" was adopted. It sought the liberation of all people, the common society of men and women. It took women like Lilian Ngoyi, who made history in 1956 by leading 20 000 women to the Union Buildings in Pretoria in protest against passes for women, to ignite rolling mass action in the various Provinces. This thesis tells of the contemporary struggle of African women in the 1950's, more especially 1959, in Natal. This is a tribute to the countless African women who have made courageous sacrifices in order for change. It is through their radical and somewhat aggressive stance that we have a lot to be thankful for today. We must be mindful of the fact that in the Apartheid era the law itself was used to oppress people. In our new-found democracy it is pleasing to note that the law is somewhat gender sensitive, so that it does not discriminate against men or women in its application. Many of us who research African women are mere observers, who digest what we read, hear and see. Many of us do not understand the complex African way of life. We tend to employ Eurocentric theories and assumptions, which instead serve as a handicap. Thus the African woman is seen as a victim of the African male, and of traditional customs and practices. We fail to see that African women did from the outset, have varying degrees of economic independence, and that colonialism was responsible for depriving African women of their political as well as economic status. These women can claim a degree of triumph in that in the wake of the mass protest action, it took the government years to implement its policy of passes for women. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1999.

Univ., Diss.--Berlin, 2005. / Literaturverz. S. 265 - 285.

[pt] A presente tese aborda os atos que tomaram as ruas do Brasil a partir de junho de 2013, sob perspectiva ao mesmo tempo estética e política. Seguindo a própria estética múltipla dos atos, o texto, escrito na forma de diários, lança mão de um vasto universo de referências culturais. Escrito na primeira pessoa e trazendo as questões para o momento atual, o trabalho evidencia a dimensão da presença na experiência estética (assim como na política pela via da ação direta). Em um processo antropofágico, a escrita transita por postagens no Facebook, fotografias, poesia, performance, teatro, cinema, grafite, desenhos animados, filosofia, história e carnaval. A tese não se propõe a explicar os atos ou fixá-los na História, mas, ao contar histórias, usa os acontecimentos como fonte de inspiração para uma nova criação, com uma escrita reflexiva sobre o mundo, a cultura, a arte, a política, a vida urbana e o próprio momento presente. O foco está em um corpo singular que atravessou as ruas do Rio de Janeiro em certos momentos de intensidade (de 2013 a 2016), deixando também seus rastros na cidade. Ao afirmar que 2013 não acabou, o que a autora pretende não é revelar o que seriam as suas consequências no Brasil de hoje, mas sim chamar a atenção para a sua abertura inexorável, que não permite conclusões fáceis. Por isso, a própria tese permanece inconclusa. É um ensaio poético, que busca captar aquilo que de 2013 a autora considera a sua poesia inesgotável. 2013 era um grande movimento de ocupação das cidades ressignificando espaços e vidas. E como aqueles manifestantes que sempre retornavam após os ataques da polícia cantando Olha eu aqui de novo!, há algo que sempre volta, que não se rende à dispersão imposta e ainda faz questão de tirar sarro dançando. A tese é essa dança. / [en] This thesis approaches the acts that took the streets of Brazil from June 2013, from both na aesthetic and political perspective. Following the very multiple aesthetics of the acts, the text, written in the form of diaries, makes use of a broad universe of cultural references. Written in the first person and bringing the issues to the current moment, the work evidences the dimension of the presence in the aesthetic experience (as well as in politics through direct actions). In an anthropophagic process, the writing transits through Facebook posts, photographs, poetry, performance, theater, cinema, graffiti, cartoons, philosophy, history and carnival. The thesis does not propose to explain the acts or to set them in the History, but in telling stories, uses the events as a source of inspiration for a new creation, with a reflective writing about the world, culture, art, politics, urban life and the very current moment. The focus is on a singular body that has passed through the streets of Rio de Janeiro in certain moments of intensity (from 2013 to 2016), leaving also its traces in the city. In saying that 2013 is not over, what the author intends is not to reveal what would be its consequences in Brazil today, but to draw attention to its inexorable opening, which does not allow easy conclusions. Therefore, the thesis itself remains unfinished. It is a poetic essay, which seeks to capture what of 2013 the author considers its inexhaustible poetry. 2013 was a great movement of occupation of cities, resignifying spaces and lives. And like those demonstrators who always have returned after the police attacks, singing Look at me here again!, there is something that always comes back, that does not surrender to the imposed dispersion and even makes a point of making fun dancing. The thesis is this dance.

This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.

Thesis entitled Modernization of initial reading and writing in the 1st grade primary school using the methods RWCT and the interactive whiteboard in the theoretical section summarizes current concepts of teaching reading and writing, as well as defining new procedures, their use and benefit in teaching reading and writing. The practical part examines the applied methods and compares achievements of students attending the first class of primary school. Followed by a questionnaire survey of information, knowledge and experience with these methods for educators of 1st grade primary school.