Évaluation des services d'un organisme communautaire venant en aide aux proches de personnes assassinées et disparues / Le but de la recherche est d’identifier les besoins des proches de personnes assassinées et disparues afin de comparer les similitudes et les différences entre les deux groupes de proches de personnes victimes. À l’aide d’un questionnaire construit conjointement avec un organisme d’aide aux familles des victimes, deux conclusions peuvent être tirées. Les proches de personnes assassinées seraient plutôt à la recherche de services axés sur le soutien psychologique et émotionnel, alors que les proches de personnes disparues prioriseraient les services visant à combler des besoins plus pratiques, pour gérer la crise engendrée par la disparition d’un proche. Ces résultats sont cohérents avec la recherche sur les proches de personnes assassinées et disparues. Toutefois, les résultats sont influencés par des limites importantes, dont la petite taille de l’échantillon. / The objective of the research is to identify the needs of families of murdered and missing people. This would allow to compare similarities and differences between the needs of these groups of victims. A questionnaire was buit in cooperation with an organization helping families of missing or murdered victims. Two conclusions were drawn from the results. Families and friends of murdered people were looking for psychological and emotional support services. In comparison, families and friends of missing people were looking to fill more practical needs, such as managing the crisis following the disappearance of a member of their family. These results are consistent with research on family and friends of murdered and missing people. However, these conclusions are limited by important gaps in the research, such as a small sample.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-01T11:33:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos José Pinto.pdf: 9076516 bytes, checksum: 2792f36202c2a06a3e84a0fec54c7e9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T11:33:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos José Pinto.pdf: 9076516 bytes, checksum: 2792f36202c2a06a3e84a0fec54c7e9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-05 / This research aims to analyze the crime of forced disappearance of people in Brazil, in the recent brazilian military dictatorship context, verifying its origin and examining the internationals treaties and conventions about the subject. Cases of people’s forced disappearance in Brazil, that happened and were reported, will be approached, as well as the brazilian conviction imposed by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the Gomes Lund case, in addition to the historical and documentary work carried out by National Truth Commission. The question regarding the typification of lege ferenda will be approached, analyzing comparative law and the extraditions judged by the Federal Supreme Court about the subject. Will be demonstrated the need of typification of the crime in question, in addition to an approach about our slow transitional justice. This is a theoretical research, using the deductive method, whose techniques used to achieve the objectives outlined here basically consist on an investigation through theoretical sources such as normative, bibliographical, doctrinal and jurisprudential national and international, as well as other documentaries. The initial thesis is based on the affirmation that the absence of typification of this crime causes legal uncertainty in the internal legal order. The core of this investigation emphasizes that it is possible to punish state agents who committed human rights violations in Brazil, in our last government of exceptions. The topic deserves to be researched, given the shortage of doctrinal approaches in Brazil, with little jurisprudence on the subject. The views outlined here (legal uncertainty and grounds on the need for punishment of state agents), and the way in which they will be demonstrated, are the unpublished views on the way to deal with the subject. It is understood that the treatment of criminal matters involving the forced disappearance of people in Brazil should be based on a national law, that regulate this crime, in order to eliminate legal uncertainty and impunity, ensuring the effectiveness of justice and the strengthening of democracy / Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar o delito de desaparecimento forçado de pessoas no Brasil, contextualizando-o na recente ditadura militar brasileira, verificando-se sua origem e examinando-se os tratados e convenções internacionais que cuidam do assunto. Serão abordados os casos ocorridos e relatados de desaparecimento forçado de pessoas no Brasil, bem como a condenação brasileira imposta pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no caso Gomes Lund, além do trabalho histórico e documental efetuado pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade. Será tratada a questão relativa à tipificação de lege ferenda, analisando-se o direito comparado e as extradições julgadas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre o tema. Será demonstrada a necessidade de tipificação do crime em questão, além de uma abordagem sobre a nossa lenta justiça de transição. Realizou-se a pesquisa teórica com utilização do método dedutivo, cujas técnicas empregadas para a consecução dos objetivos aqui delineados consistem, basicamente, em uma investigação através de fontes teóricas, como as normativas, bibliográficas, doutrinárias e jurisprudenciais nacionais e internacionais, além de outras documentais. A tese inicial baseia-se na afirmação de que a ausência de tipificação deste crime causa insegurança jurídica no ordenamento jurídico interno. O núcleo central desta investigação enfatiza que é possível a punição dos agentes estatais que cometeram violações de Direitos Humanos no Brasil, em nosso último governo de exceção. O tema merece ser pesquisado, ante a escassez de abordagens doutrinárias no Brasil, havendo pouca jurisprudência sobre o assunto. As visões aqui delineadas (insegurança jurídica e fundamentos sobre a necessidade de punição dos agentes estatais), e o modo como serão demonstradas, constituem o ineditismo quanto ao enfrentamento do tema. Entende-se que o tratamento das questões criminais que envolvem o desaparecimento forçado de pessoas no Brasil deve se basear em uma lei nacional, que regulamente este delito, a fim de se eliminar a insegurança jurídica e a impunidade, assegurando-se a efetivação da justiça e o fortalecimento da democracia

The object of this thesis is to study the attempts made by writers and filmmakers in two very different socio-cultural contexts to depict and elucidate the experience of political violence, particularly torture, in the periods 1954-1962 and 1976-1983. I seek to apply the hypotheses of Anglo-American and French theorists with an interest in historical representation, as well as trauma, to both 'realist' and experimental accounts of the widespread oppression that occurred during the Algerian war of independence and later during the so-called 'Dirty War' in Argentina. The texts analysed in detail include novels and short stories by Kateb Yacine, Assia Djebar, Julio Cortázar and Luisa Valenzuela; the films I examine most closely are the Algerian-Italian 'docudrama' La Bataille d'Alger and the Argentine melodrama La historia oficial. However, the thesis also addresses other non-factual portrayals of brutality, such as the Nouvelle Vague's meditations on decolonization, and autobiographical writings, such as military memoirs and survivors' testimony, as a means of elaborating more fully on the issues at stake in the works cited above. It explores the difficulty - and the possibility - of giving voice to histories that simultaneously resist and demand articulation, and ultimately, of reconstituting the fragmented or 'disappeared' subject through narrative: of using fiction to summon the 'ghosts' of the past.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att diskutera några av de minnespraktiker i efterdiktaturens Argentina som behandlar det kollektiva minnet av det Smutsiga Kriget och de som blev utsatta för tvångsförsvinnande. Praktikerna som studerats är Madres de Plaza de Mayo, minnesplatser upprättade i före detta fångläger och Parque de la Memoria. Uppsatsen anknyter till ett teoretiskt ramverk för kollektivt minne och kollektivt trauma, minnesmuseer och materiell kultur. Studien har utformats som en fallstudie. Materialet består av observationer, intervjuer och fotografier insamlade under fältarbete i Argentina 2017. Madres de Plaza de Mayo analyserades genom att använda teorier om lieux de mémoire framförda av Pierre Nora och minnesceremonier framförda av Paul Connerton. Minnesplatserna studerades utifrån ett minnesmuseumsperspektiv med hjälp av teorier av Paul Williams. Parque de la Memoria studerades utifrån teorier om krigsmonument framförda av Jay Williams. Madres de Plaza de Mayo kan förstås som lieu de mémoire eftersom de i sina artikulationer och aktioner är materiella, symboliska och funktionella. Genom dem bevaras de försvunna vid liv. Minnesplatserna presenterar ett mer ambivalent narrativ som placerar de försvunna i limbo. Parque de la Memoria är en plats för sorg och för att offentligt hedra dem som föll offer under det Smutsiga Kriget. Kontexten som dessa praktiker befinner sig i är komplex och de olika praktikerna uttrycker tre olika narrativ över de försvunna, som sträcker över spektrumet från liv till död. Detta är en tvåårig mastersuppsats i ämnet musei- och kulturarvsvetenskap / The purpose of this thesis is to discuss some of the memory-practices in post-dictatorial Argentina regarding the collective memory of the Dirty War and the people who were objects of forced disappearances. The practices studied are Madres de Plaza de Mayo, sites of memory established in former centres of detention and Parque de la Memoria. The thesis draws upon the theoretical framework of collective memory and collective trauma, memorial museums and material culture. The study was formed as a case study. The materials are observations, interviews and photographs, and were gathered through field work in Argentina in 2017. The Madres de Plaza de Mayo were analysed using theories on lieux de mémoire brought forward by Pierre Nora and commemoration ceremonies brought forward by Paul Connerton. The sites of memory were studied out of the perspective on memorial museums by Paul Williams. Parque de la Memoria was studied with theories on war memorials by Jay Winter. The Madres de Plaza de Mayo can be interpreted as lieu de mémoire due to their material, symbolic and functional dimensions. Through them, the disappeared are alive. The sites of memory present an ambivalent narrative. The narrative of the disappeared is that of a state of limbo. Parque de la Memoria is a park of mourning, placing the disappeared in a narrative of death. The situation of memory-practices in post-dictatorial Argentina is complex and the practices articulates three different narratives of the disappeared, ranging from life to death. This is a two-year master’s thesis in Museum and Cultural Heritage Studies

The master thesis "Zikmund Reach and his photographic collection" focuses on Zikmund Reach's photographs of old Prague. Firstly theis describes the life and familly of the publisher and follows by gradual work of an publisher. The subsequent chapter focuses on photography as a commodity and presents briefly life and work poof a French photographer Eugène Atget. The next part of the thesis devotes on the main photographic topics of the work od Zikmund Reach including an extensive collection of "Prague types" which is a sociological reflecion of society in the second half of 19th century compared with a similar collection of "Viennies types". The main topic is based on the photographic albums of "Disappeared Prague" which aren't known yet. In conclusion the thesis focuses on archives in which the collection of Zikmund Reach is stored in and their mutual thematic coherence.

The master thesis "Zikmund Reach and his photographic collection" focuses on Zikmund Reach's photographs of old Prague. Firsty theis describes the history of Czech photography, which if followed by the topic of Prague's redevelopment and its influence on photography. The main topic is based on the photographic albums of "Disappeared Prague" and a extensive collection of "Prague types", which is a period, sociological reflecion of society in the second half of 19th century. Finally the thesis focuses on archives in which is the collection of Zikmund Reach stored in and their mutual thematic coherence. In conclusion the thesis focuses on the Institute of Art History Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic and its collection of photographs which come from the collection of Zikmund Reach.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar as práticas de desaparecimento das ditaduras civil-militares de segurança nacional argentina e brasileira como componentes das estratégias de implantação do terror desses regimes, como a questão dos desaparecidos foi tratada durante os governos transicionais e administrações civis posteriores ao período ditatorial e como a temática foi trabalhada a partir dos governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Néstor Kirchner. Pretende-se, desta forma, estabelecer uma relação entre a forma como foram realizados os processos de transição política – em se tratando dos Direitos Humanos, mais especificamente, a garantia do direito à justiça e à verdade – e a elaboração de políticas de memória e reparação ou desmemória e esquecimento no presente. A partir dessa compreensão, têm-se indícios de que as rupturas, caracterizadas por uma condenação moral em relação ao passado ditatorial, são fundamentais para o desenvolvimento dessas políticas. Para o cumprimento deste objetivo, este estudo está dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro, apresenta-se uma análise da prática do desaparecimento, salientado as semelhanças existentes entre o caso argentino e brasileiro, resguardadas as diferenças em extensividade e intensidade. O segundo estuda os processos de transição política e o tratamento conferido à questão dos desaparecidos pelos governos transicionais e pelas administrações civis até o término da década de 1990. O terceiro e último capítulo analisa as políticas de memória e reparação e desmemória e esquecimento elaboradas a partir dos anos 2000, quando se efetivou uma mudança no marco interpretativo sobre o passado recente da região e se tornou possível a consecução dessas políticas. / This thesis aims to analyze the practice of disappearance of Argentine and Brazilian national security civil-military dictatorship as components of strategies for implementing terror. It also aims to approach how the transitional governments and subsequent civil administrations dealt with the disappeared and how this issue had been discussed from the governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Néstor Kirchner. This approach aims to establish a relation between the ways the political transitions took place in these countries – regarding the Human Rights, more specifically, in guaranteeing the rights to justice and truth – and the development of memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies in the present. Based on this comprehension, there are evidences that the disruptions, characterized by a moral conviction against the dictatorial past, are fundamental to the development of these policies. For the fulfillment of these objectives, this study is divided into three chapters. The first one presents an analysis of the practice of disappearance, stressing the similarities between the Argentine and Brazilian case, safeguarding the differences in extensiveness and intensity. The second one deals with the processes of political transition and the treatment given to the issue of disappearance by the transitional governments and the civil administrations until the end of the 1990’s. The third and final chapter analyzes the memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies prepared since the year 2000, when there was a change in the interpretative framework about the region recent past and it became possible to achieve these policies.

O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar as práticas de desaparecimento das ditaduras civil-militares de segurança nacional argentina e brasileira como componentes das estratégias de implantação do terror desses regimes, como a questão dos desaparecidos foi tratada durante os governos transicionais e administrações civis posteriores ao período ditatorial e como a temática foi trabalhada a partir dos governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Néstor Kirchner. Pretende-se, desta forma, estabelecer uma relação entre a forma como foram realizados os processos de transição política – em se tratando dos Direitos Humanos, mais especificamente, a garantia do direito à justiça e à verdade – e a elaboração de políticas de memória e reparação ou desmemória e esquecimento no presente. A partir dessa compreensão, têm-se indícios de que as rupturas, caracterizadas por uma condenação moral em relação ao passado ditatorial, são fundamentais para o desenvolvimento dessas políticas. Para o cumprimento deste objetivo, este estudo está dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro, apresenta-se uma análise da prática do desaparecimento, salientado as semelhanças existentes entre o caso argentino e brasileiro, resguardadas as diferenças em extensividade e intensidade. O segundo estuda os processos de transição política e o tratamento conferido à questão dos desaparecidos pelos governos transicionais e pelas administrações civis até o término da década de 1990. O terceiro e último capítulo analisa as políticas de memória e reparação e desmemória e esquecimento elaboradas a partir dos anos 2000, quando se efetivou uma mudança no marco interpretativo sobre o passado recente da região e se tornou possível a consecução dessas políticas. / This thesis aims to analyze the practice of disappearance of Argentine and Brazilian national security civil-military dictatorship as components of strategies for implementing terror. It also aims to approach how the transitional governments and subsequent civil administrations dealt with the disappeared and how this issue had been discussed from the governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Néstor Kirchner. This approach aims to establish a relation between the ways the political transitions took place in these countries – regarding the Human Rights, more specifically, in guaranteeing the rights to justice and truth – and the development of memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies in the present. Based on this comprehension, there are evidences that the disruptions, characterized by a moral conviction against the dictatorial past, are fundamental to the development of these policies. For the fulfillment of these objectives, this study is divided into three chapters. The first one presents an analysis of the practice of disappearance, stressing the similarities between the Argentine and Brazilian case, safeguarding the differences in extensiveness and intensity. The second one deals with the processes of political transition and the treatment given to the issue of disappearance by the transitional governments and the civil administrations until the end of the 1990’s. The third and final chapter analyzes the memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies prepared since the year 2000, when there was a change in the interpretative framework about the region recent past and it became possible to achieve these policies.

O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.