Students diagnosed with long-term mental health conditions have been the focus of policy development for over a decade. Student mental health is on the increase and universities are legally obliged to make reasonable adjustments for disabled students. Therefore it is crucial that nursing and midwifery education provides an inclusive learning environment, while maintaining fitness to practice standards. The focus of this study was to explore how discourses of mental health, reasonable adjustments and fitness standards influence nursing and midwifery education for students with a mental health condition. Principles of Wodak’s (2001) critical discourse analysis approach, which gives prominence to dominant discourses, their justifications and persuasive nature was utilised. Ten key written texts and 23 semi-structured interviews with students, lecturers and clinical mentors were conducted to acquire the constructions of mental health, reasonable adjustments and fitness requirements. The findings show that the dominant discourses attributed to students experiencing mental ill health were around medicine, difference and blame, all of which reinforced mental health stigma. In addition, mental health discourses within both verbal and written texts were not underpinned by disability discourses, allowing the exclusion of students who disclose mental ill health from accessing reasonable adjustments. In conclusion, students considered to have a mental health label faced discriminatory barriers and legislative and regulatory requirements of equality were not implemented.

Students diagnosed with long-term mental health conditions have been the focus of policy development for over a decade. Student mental health is on the increase and universities are legally obliged to make reasonable adjustments for disabled students. Therefore it is crucial that nursing and midwifery education provides an inclusive learning environment, while maintaining fitness to practice standards. The focus of this study was to explore how discourses of mental health, reasonable adjustments and fitness standards influence nursing and midwifery education for students with a mental health condition. Principles of Wodak’s (2001) critical discourse analysis approach, which gives prominence to dominant discourses, their justifications and persuasive nature was utilised. Ten key written texts and 23 semi-structured interviews with students, lecturers and clinical mentors were conducted to acquire the constructions of mental health, reasonable adjustments and fitness requirements. The findings show that the dominant discourses attributed to students experiencing mental ill health were around medicine, difference and blame, all of which reinforced mental health stigma. In addition, mental health discourses within both verbal and written texts were not underpinned by disability discourses, allowing the exclusion of students who disclose mental ill health from accessing reasonable adjustments. In conclusion, students considered to have a mental health label faced discriminatory barriers and legislative and regulatory requirements of equality were not implemented.

This paper explores the linguistic construction of the president of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyj, in Swedish newspapers in 2019 and 2022. Using the framework of Critical Discourse Studies along with Cognitive Linguistics the aim of the study is to gain an understanding of what constructs a heroism discourse surrounding Zelensky. Utilizing the Discourse-Historical Approach as the main method allows for a certain qualitative analysis of news texts which illuminate discursive strategies and possible conceptual metaphors. Findings suggest there has been a shift in the discourse concerning Zelensky, and that he in march 2022 is part of a heroism discourse in which he symbolizes change. / Den här uppsatsen har som syfte att utforska hur Ukrainas president Volodymyr Zelenskyj är framställd i svensk media i 2019 och 2022. Utifrån det teoretiska ramverket bestående av kritisk diskursanalys och kognitiv lingvistik undersöks hur diskursen kring Zelenskyj sett ut och hur den har förändrats. Studien utgår från den diskurshistoriska analysen eftersom den möjliggör för kvalitativ analys av nyhetstexter genom att belysa underliggande diskursiva strategier och eventuella konceptuella metaforer. Resultaten visar att diskursen kring Zelenskyj har genomgått en skiftning och att han i mars 2022 ingår i en hjältediskurs, vari han symboliserar förändring.

The aim of this study is to analyse the discourse surrounding the preservation of the Icelandic language in light of the growing immigrant population in Iceland. This is done by analysing and comparing two public language policies through the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis, more specifically Discourse Historical Approach. This thesis contributes to the academic research on the Icelandic language and its immigrant population by offering a comparative study of a previously unexplored research topic. The findings indicate that there has been a discursive shift from conservative to more progressive attitudes towards the preservation of the Icelandic language, and the connection between language preservation and purification is beginning to weaken. The study shows that immigrants’ role as language users and language preservers is not sufficiently addressed or met, and a more inclusive approach towards the language is needed to facilitate the prosperous growth of a multicultural society and immigrants’ sense of belonging.

Länge har det funnits en föreställning om att den rasism som riktas mot öst- och sydostasiater är en ”positiv” sådan, eller så har asiater helt enkelt varit frånvarande i anti-rasistiska diskurser. I samband med covid-19 eskalerade hatbrott mot asiater, vilket synliggjorde anti-asiatisk rasism som ett aktuellt samhällsproblem som alltid funnits. I denna uppsats undersöks hur öst- och sydostasiater representeras diskursivt i det svenska internetforumet Flashback i syfte att öka medvetenhet om rasism mot asiater och vidare bidra till att motarbeta de kvarstående ojämlikheterna mellan olika etniska grupper. Studien tar avstamp i ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv på språk och diskriminering och den kritiska diskursanalysen (CDA) som övergripande analysramverk. Sammanlagt 22 diskussionstrådar som behandlar ämnen som Asien, asiat och de östasiatiska nationerna har analyserats med hjälp av Membership Categorization Analysis (MCA) och den diskurshistoriska analysen (DHA).   Undersökningen utgörs av tre delstudier som ska belysa tre olika aspekter av diskriminering av asiater: 1) kategorisering av asiater; 2) de diskursiva strategier som används av skribenterna för att förneka och rättfärdiga nedsättande kommentarer; 3) diskussioner om den så kallade ”guling-humorn”, det vill säga de rasstereotypiska framställningarna av asiater som präglas av humor och komik. Resultatet visar bland annat hur kategorin asiat tillskrivs högst motsägelsefulla egenskaper och förväntningar, och att kontexten spelar en avgörande roll för att interaktionsdeltagarna ska kunna välja ut de mest relevanta föreställningarna om asiater. Detta påvisar att diskrimineringen av asiater inte enbart är ”positiv” utan kategorin kan ofta förknippas med tydligt negativa värderingar i olika sammanhang. Den andra delstudien har sedan belyst att olika diskursiva strategier kan användas beroende på två sammanhang: när rasism som sådan förnekas och när de enskilda nedvärderande kommentarerna riktade mot asiater rättfärdigas. Förnekandet av rasism förekommer främst i de diskussionsämne som har direkt koppling till det svenska samhället såsom mångkulturalism och invandring, medan nedsättande kommentarer om östasiater framträder mer frekvent i de trådar där de enskilda östasiatiska nationerna står i fokus. I den sista delstudien identifieras de olika diskursiva strategier som skribenterna använder för att förneka den kränkande aspekten hos ”humoristiska” karikatyrer av östasiater, vilket bidrar till att bevara Sveriges positiva självbild som världens mest toleranta och antirasistiska samhälle.

L’objet de cette recherche est le discours sur l’élève dit à risque. D’un point de vue critique, cette recherche décrit et interprète ce discours par l’étude d’un cas : un débat médiatisé sur l’inclusion scolaire survenu à Montréal en 2016-2017. Intégré aux pratiques en éducation et en recherche, le discours sur l’élève dit à risque véhicule de multiples conceptions et reflète un certain sens commun (Brown, 2016; Portelli et al., 2007; Hardy et Maguire, 2016). Par cette recherche, il est étudié selon l’approche de l’analyse critique du discours (ACD) (Fairclough et al., 2011). L’ACD est fondée sur les idéaux de la critique sociale : la démystification des rapports de pouvoir et la contribution à la transformation sociale pour favoriser l’émancipation (Assoun, 2001). Cette recherche analyse quatre dimensions du discours tirées de la théorie critique par l’ACD : les formes linguistiques, l’explication, le processus de production, de circulation et de consommation du discours et les pratiques sociales. À partir de ces dimensions, une typologie a été bâtie en y intégrant des discours sur l’élève dit à risque identifiés par Portelli et al. (2007) : les discours axés sur les déficits, les discours libéraux, les discours éducatifs officiels et les discours critiques. Une « boite à outils » pour l’analyse linguistique (Wodak et Boukala, 2015) a aussi été développée selon une approche en ACD, celle de l’analyse historique (AHD) (Reisigl et Wodak, 2001, 2009; Wodak, 2001; Wodak et Boukala, 2015). L’AHD s’attarde à des processus discursifs définissant les rapports de pouvoir : les stratégies discursives et les dispositifs linguistiques. Trois stratégies discursives proposées en AHD ont été analysées : (1) les stratégies de références et de nomination; (2) les stratégies de prédication; et (3) les stratégies d’argumentation. Pour les expliquer, les dispositifs linguistiques suivants ont fait l’objet d’un repérage et d’une interprétation : les métaphores et les schèmes argumentatifs. L’analyse porte sur un corpus de textes médiatisés (N = 33) publiés en 2016-2017 dans le cadre du débat : des textes d’un syndicat enseignant (n = 22), d’une commission scolaire (n = 3) et des textes médiatiques (n = 8). La validation des résultats par une analyse diachronique a nécessité la constitution d’un corpus de validation externe (N = 7) réunissant des textes sur des enjeux québécois relatifs à l’inclusion, parus entre 2010 et 2019. Les discours étudiés recoupent des dimensions des discours axés sur les déficits, des discours libéraux et des discours éducatifs officiels. Les discours critiques sont cependant peu représentés. Or, les données n’ont pas permis d’explication évidente à partir de la typologie inspirée de Portelli et al. (2007). Selon nos résultats, pour le cas étudié, la situation des élèves dits à risque est définie comme une contrainte systémique. Une conclusion significative de cette recherche découle de ce constat. En effet, les résultats ont permis de proposer, par un deuxième registre d’analyse, un nouveau type de discours sur la situation de l’élève dit à risque : le discours axé sur la contrainte systémique. / The target of this research is the discourse about the student designated as at-risk. From a critical perspective, this research describes and interprets this discourse through a case study: a mediated debate on inclusive education that occurred in Montreal in 2016-2017. Embedded in education and research practices, the discourse on the student designated as at-risk conveys multiple conceptions and reflects a certain common sense (Brown, 2016; Portelli et al., 2007; Hardy & Maguire, 2016). Through this research, it is studied using the critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach (Fairclough et al., 2011). CDA is based on the ideals of social criticism: demystifying power relations and contributing to social transformation to foster emancipation (Assoun, 2001). This research analyzes four dimensions of discourse drawn from critical theory by CDA: linguistic forms, explanation, the process of production, circulation and consumption of discourse, and social practices. Based on these dimensions, a typology was constructed by incorporating discourses about the student designated as at-risk that were identified by Portelli et al. (2007): deficit discourses, liberal discourses, official educational discourses, and critical discourses. A “toolkit” for linguistic analysis (Wodak & Boukala, 2015) has also been developed using a CDA approach, that of discourse‐historical approach (DHA) (Reisigl & Wodak, 2001, 2009; Wodak, 2001; Wodak & Boukala, 2015). DHA focuses on discursive processes that define power relations: discursive strategies and linguistic devices. Three discursive strategies proposed in AHD were analyzed: (1) strategies of reference and naming; (2) strategies of predication and (3) argumentative strategies. To explain them, the following linguistic devices were identified and interpreted: metaphors and argumentative patterns. The analysis focuses on a corpus of mediated texts (N = 33) published in 2016-2017 in the context of the debate: texts from a teachers’ union (n = 22), a school board (n = 3), and media texts (n = 8). Validation of the results through a diachronic analysis required the constitution of an external validation corpus (N = 7) gathering texts on Quebec issues related to inclusion between 2010 and 2019. The discourses studied overlapped with dimensions of deficit-oriented, liberal, and formal educational discourses. Critical discourses, however, are poorly represented. Yet, the data did not allow for a clear explanation based on the typology inspired by Portelli et al. (2007). According to our results, for the case studied, the situation of the student designated as at-risk is defined as a systemic constraint. A significant conclusion of this research stems from this finding. Indeed, the results have made it possible to propose, through a second register of analysis, a new type of discourse about the situation of student designated as at-risk: the discourse based on systemic constraints.

By combing DTS with a three-dimensional model adapted from DHA, we aim to study the discursive construction of national identities in (political) diplomatic discourse between China and the West, from a translation perspective. Specifically, we examine the translation of national affiliations and forms of address between 1792 and 1867, when China was experiencing a national identity crisis. We describe and explain what and how the Chinese and Western national identities were constructed by translation, using mainly qualitative analysis, supported at times by quantitative analysis. We also investigate the extent to which translators have aligned themselves with the governments they served, and the norm they followed before and during the identity crisis. Traditionally, discourse-historical approach (DHA) has typically been applied to study the discursive construction of national identity in political discourse. However, DHA has not yet taken into account the phenomenon of translation, though translation is an important tool for constructing and promoting national identities. Meanwhile, translation studies (TS) on national identity have traditionally not adopted DHA, though DHA has been typically applied to study the construction of national identity in political discourse. Moreover, TS on national identity often focuses on linguistic and political tensions within a bilingual or multilingual nation or institution. However, national discourse in intercultural clashes between two distinct countries also remains to be explored. Our corpus is collected from historical discourse in diplomatic missions and discourse of diplomatic officials, which consists of 29 letters and proclamations with a total word count of 25,794. The results of this study show that the affiliations of translators shaped their translation strategies in constructing national identity. Translators who claimed allegiance to the Qing court tended to follow the norm of tributary discourse to construct a discourse where the Chinese national identity appeared superior and Sinocentric, while the Western national identity appeared inferior and subordinate. However, norms are not fixed but open to change. During the Chinese national identity crisis, the gradual change in translation regularities and the abolition of certain discursive practices via an official statement from the authorities reflected a weakening of the norm of tributary discourse. This evolution of the norm could reflect, at least in part, China’s changing attitude toward the West and the transformation of Chinese national identity. Our study contributes to PDA, political discourse translation, and translation history. Firstly, it extends the traditionally monolingual application of DHA to the bilingual context of DTS, proving that the discipline of (D)TS and DHA benefit from interdisciplinary cooperation, thus pointing to a promising direction in PDA and political discourse translation. Secondly, our study enriches TS on identity and ideology by studying different forms of power struggles in political discourse, thus enlarging the variety of political discourse and advancing a more extensive PDA. Thirdly, our study provides refreshing insights into textual markers, namely, national affiliations, nominal and pronominal forms of address, for studying identity issues in translated political discourse. Last but not least, our study contributes to the studies in the translation history of 19th-century China. / En combinant les études descriptives de la traduction (DTS) avec un modèle tridimensionnel adapté de l’approche historique-discursive (DHA), nous visons à étudier la construction discursive des identités nationales dans le discours diplomatique (politique) entre la Chine et l’Occident, du point de vue de la traduction. Plus précisément, nous examinons la traduction des affiliations nationales et des formes d’adresse dans le discours diplomatique (politique) entre 1792 et 1867, alors que la Chine traversait une crise d’identité nationale. Nous décrivons et expliquons comment les identités nationales chinoises et occidentales ont été construites par la traduction, en utilisant principalement une analyse qualitative, parfois soutenue par une analyse quantitative. Nous étudions également dans quelle mesure les traducteurs se sont alignés sur les gouvernements qu’ils servaient et la norme qu’ils suivaient avant et pendant la crise d’identité. Traditionnellement, l’DHA a été appliquée pour étudier la construction discursive de l’identité nationale dans le discours politique. Cependant, l’DHA n’a pas encore pris en compte le phénomène de la traduction, bien que la traduction soit un outil important pour la construction et la promotion des identités nationales. Par ailleurs, les études de traduction (TS) sur l’identité nationale n’ont généralement pas adopté l’DHA, bien que l’DHA ait été typiquement appliquée pour étudier la construction de l’identité nationale dans le discours politique. En outre, les TS sur l’identité nationale se concentrent souvent sur les tensions linguistiques et politiques au sein d’une nation ou d’une institution bilingue ou multilingue. Cependant, le discours national dans les conflits interculturels entre deux pays distincts reste également à explorer. Notre corpus est recueilli à partir du discours historique dans les missions diplomatiques et le discours des fonctionnaires diplomatique, qui se compose de 29 lettres et proclamations, avec un nombre total de mots de 25794. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que les affiliations des traducteurs ont influencé leurs stratégies de traduction dans la construction de l’identité nationale. Les traducteurs qui se réclamaient allégeance à la cour Qing avaient tendance à suivre la norme du discours tributaire pour construire un discours où l’identité nationale chinoise apparaissait supérieure et sinocentrique, tandis que l’identité nationale occidentale apparaissait inférieure et subordonnée. Toutefois, la norme n’était pas figée mais susceptible d’évoluer. Pandent la crise de l’identité nationale chinoise, le changement progressif des régularités de traduction et l’abolition de certaines pratiques discursives par une déclaration officielle des autorités reflétaient un affaiblissement de la norme du discours tributaire. Cette évolution de la norme pourrait refléter, au moins en partie, le changement de l’attitude de la Chine envers l’Occident et la transformation de l’identité nationale chinoise. Notre étude contribue à l’analyse discours politique (PDA), à la traduction du discours politique et à l’histoire de la traduction. Premièrement, elle étend l’application traditionnellement monolingue de l’DHA au contexte bilingue des DTS, prouvant que la discipline des (D)TS et de l’DHA bénéficient de la coopération interdisciplinaire, indiquant ainsi une direction prometteuse pour l’PDA et la traduction du discours politique. Deuxièmement, notre étude enrichit les TS sur l’identité et l’idéologie en étudiant différentes formes de luttes de pouvoir dans le discours politique, élargissant ainsi la variété du discours politique et faisant progresser le PDA plus étendue. Troisièmement, notre étude apporte un éclairage nouveau sur les marqueurs textuels, à savoir les affiliations nationales, les formes nominales et pronominales de l’adresse, pour étudier les problèmes d’identité dans le discours politique traduit. Enfin, notre étude contribue aux études sur l’histoire de la traduction en Chine au 19ème siècle.

The Sultanate of Oman is often described by the international media as a peaceful exception in the turbulent Middle East. Most authors studying Oman’s history and politics agree that discretion, consultation, peaceful neighborhood relations and independence from the greater powers operating in the region have been the constant elements of the country’s contemporary foreign policy. Moreover, it is widely argued that Oman’s foreign policy approach derives from the country’s national identity, including its Ibadi tradition and the cosmopolitan character of the Omani maritime history. Despite the extensive use of terms like a “non-aligned” or “neutral” foreign policy deriving from a “tolerant” or “peaceful” identity, both by academics and journalists to describe the country’s behavior, a careful reflection on the appropriate application of these concepts to the Omani case is still missing. The aim of my research is to deconstruct essentialist understandings of Oman's identity and foreign policy, by looking at how discursive alignments and identity contents varied to support the government's quests for legitimacy, recognition, and status. By adopting a Discourse Historical Approach (DHA), the work compares the National Day speeches and the UN GA speeches under the entire reign of Sultan Qaboos bin Said Al Bu Saidi (1970 – 2020), to look at how discourse changed based on the time, issue, and audience of reference. More broadly, this research seeks to provide an underexplored perspective on Oman’s foreign policy, at the same time contributing both to the theoretical debate on small states’ alignments and to the discussion on the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states’ foreign policies and identities.

The thesis identifies and further examines the role of propaganda in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, more specifically in the period around the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by the Russian Federation in March 2014. Critical discourse analysis is employed in order to analyse selected speeches of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, and the President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, relevant to the topic and in the period under investigation. The first chapter introduces a theoretical framework on propaganda in international relations, its definition, history and research. The methodology is described in detail in the second chapter. The historical context of the conflict is provided at the beginning of the empirical part of the thesis closely followed by a detailed analysis of the selected speeches. The findings support the prediction that there is a presence of propaganda identified within the speeches of both political leaders, thus in the conflict itself, and offer valuable insights into the hidden meanings and possible motives behind its use. The study advances our understanding of the phenomenon and helps us to expose and confront propaganda further.