In order to gain a better understanding of the position of women in the field of policing, it was necessary to study the attitudes of the policewomen, which presently exist with regard to the role of the woman in the South African Police Service. Although some studies have been done on policewomen world-wide, none have been done in the rural areas of the Vaalrand and this is where the research took place. Only women formed part of this survey. Detailed questions were asked concerning their role in policing. This was an empirical qualitative study. The research procedures as stipulated for a descriptive study were followed, as the main objective of the research was to describe the circumstances of women in the predominantly male environment of policing. A survey interview was drawn up, containing semi-structured in-depth questions regarding their recruitment, motivation for joining and job-related satisfaction and other issues including discrimination and domination by men. Qualitative methods were applied not only for data collection but also for data analysis. The coding consisted of conceptualising the raw data. Open coding was used in this qualitative research. The researcher read through all the collected data and then assigned initial codes to condense the mass of data collected. The following main issues were found: that discrimination still exists in the SAPS, as well as resentment, a lack of recognition, misunderstanding and unfulfilled challenges which relate to conflict being experienced. These respondents have aspirations in their work and aspire to better positions in the SAPS, as there have been major contributions by women in the police. They have also had an impact on policing, as they have become major role players in the field where victims are concerned. The presence of policewomen in the SAPS is an important asset to modern law enforcement and their present day role in policing should be explored and expanded. Qualified women could also be utilised in important staff service units such as planning and research, training, intelligence, inspection, public information, community relations, and as legal advisors instead of being utilised only in administrative work. Recommendations are made for further research on aspects highlighted by the findings. / Criminology / D.Litt. et Phil.(Criminology)

The main objectives of the study are to determine the extent of control women have over sexual matters in Swazi traditional marriages; to identify the factors influencing the extent of control women have over sexual matters in traditional marriages; and to analyse the consequences of women’s lack of control over sexual matters on the women themselves, their families and their communities with regard to development. Reviewed literature and identified themes were verified in the field through focused group discussions and key informant interviews. The study revealed that women in traditional marriages do not have control over their sexuality because of the obligations and cultural practices inherent in the marriage restricting women’s involvement in decision making in sexual matters. This position undermines the social and economic development of women, families and communities. It is therefore recommended that cultural practices be amended to improve the status of women in decision making. / Development Studies / M.A. (Social Sciences)

This thesis is a critical review of educated women’s leadership in their emancipation in Ethiopia. Did they provide leadership and to what extent? It is to be noted that educated women’s leadership has been of great importance to women’s emancipation worldwide. Strong leadership was also the driving force behind women’s movements and feminism everywhere. However, the role of educated women in Ethiopia is hard to discern and their leadership efforts are largely invisible. On the other hand, many among the educated also lack the passion and desire to commit themselves in the fight for women’s emancipation. In this thesis I researched the settings and frameworks of women’s leadership and discussed the factors that function as limitations and/or opportunities. Overall there were more limitations than opportunities. These limitations are often historically rooted in the country’s religious, cultural, economic, political and traditional systems. And, as much as history and religion can be a source of strength and pride for many, they can also be a serious obstacle. The political regime of the Derg also scarred an entire population to the extent that despite the currently proclaimed ‘freedom’ of the EPRDF ruling party, women remain reluctant to step forward and claim their rights. The ruling party appears to appropriate women’s emancipation as a “private” interest and to use it for political gain, in the same manner as the Derg regime had done before it. Nowhere is there any sign of genuine freedom and equality for women in practice. Rhetoric reigns supreme through laws and policy documents, but they are not matched by genuine actions and concrete strategies. The traditional religious base of society is also making it more difficult to challenge autocratic tendencies of the ruling elite. The effect is that civil society is slowly being pushed to extinction, leaving the ruling party in charge as the main actor in all public services. This has serious consequences for the genuine emancipation of women in the country. The thesis finds that women’s leadership is not a luxury or personal demand, but a crucial step for the development of the country at large. It is encouraging to note that there are different sections of active women in the country waiting for strong leadership, leadership that can unite them into a movement and guide them on their unique emancipation paths. After all, it is only women themselves who, with their existing epistemic advantage, can transform their situation and change their status. / Sociology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

Because women are predominantly responsible for childcare, men are the primary income earners. Having acquired the marital assets, on divorce the husband would retain them in a marriage out of community of property. The wife would be left deskilled, financially dependent, with little likelihood of receiving spousal maintenance and with no marital assets. In 1984 the Matrimonial Property Act and in 1988 the Matrimonial Property Law Amendment Act introduced a judicial discretion to equitably redistribute marital assets in certain marriages out of community. This dissertation argues that the bases for the limitation of the judicial discretion to women married before a certain date are unsound and that the limitation arguably violates the equality clause of the Constitution. / Law / LL.M.

Qualitative and quantitative research designs were employed to assess the influence of religion on gender equality and women empowerment in Mulanje district in Malawi. Qualitative data was collected using semi-structured questionnaires through interview with 18 key informants who were sampled by judgmental sampling and 4 FGDs with men and women belonging to different religions who were sampled by stratified random sampling. Quantitative data was collected using a self administered questionnaire to 130 participants sampled by stratified random sampling. Quantitative data was analyzed by using SPSS computer program version 16.0 in order to reach to a valid conclusion. The analysis of the data involved descriptive statistics. For qualitative data, themes were induced from the interview with key informants and FGD. Findings have revealed positive religious teachings and beliefs that have empowered women and promoted equality between men and women. Nevertheless, the study has also revealed that discriminatory religious teachings and attitudes are a reality in religious institutions and these have influenced not only the way women are treated in religious institutions but also the way women look at themselves. In light of the findings, recommendations have been made to the government of Malawi, religious institutions, religious leaders and CSOs to take appropriate actions to promote gender equality and women empowerment in Mulanje district. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A democratic political system grants unimpaired opportunities for all citizens to have their preferences weighted equally in the conduct of government regardless of content or source. However, governments in democratic political systems frequently disregard public preference. But all governments, not only popular governments, are dependent on the 'will of the people' if the system is to remain viable. This study investigates the relationship between public opinion and public policy in South Africa, using the 1996 Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act as case study, as it provides a practical example to illustrate this complex relationship. The study used a longitudinal approach to investigate shifts in public opinion over a period of five years, using secondary survey analysis. Attitudes towards abortion are cross-tabulated by demographic variables, religion, interest in politics and democratic norms. The study found that the most significant shifts in public opinion occurred within demographic groups previously discriminated against by the 1975 Abortion and Sterilisation Act. In 1994 South Africa emerged from a lengthy anti-apartheid struggle and human rights were of paramount importance to many South Africans. The restrictive abortion legislation of 1975 was vestige of discriminative apartheid legislation and was not in line with South Africa's exemplary 1996 Constitution. Consequently, progressive abortion legislation was ratified, amidst significant public indifference, in order to promote equal citizenship of women. It is argued that abortion constitutes a basic democratic right, in the context of reproductive health rights, and although South African citizens predominantly support a democratic political system, few made the ideological connection with abortion as a democratic right. Therefore, the study infers that the South African electorate is ill informed of the ideological norms surrounding democracy. The significance of this study is that it investigated abortion not as a legal or moral issue, but as a politicised issue in South Africa. The African National Congress (ANC) was strongly committed to advancing progressive abortion legislation in South Africa. The ANC elected to vote on a party platform on the proposed abortion bill. When a majority party, which holds 252 seats of 400 in the National Assembly, elects to vote as a block on proposed legislation, it is likely that the legislation will be passed into law. This conduct of the ANC raises fears that South Africa is a de facto one-party dominant state, where free and fair elections are held, but no rotation in office occurs. Both the 1994 and 1999 elections led to landslide victories for the ANC, and they are assured that the 2003 elections will yield the same result. It is extremely damaging to any democratic system when competition but no contestation occurs. Therefore, it becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish between state and party interests. The study concludes that in the case of progressive abortion legislation in South Africa, the people did not rule. It is the view of this study that the enactment of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act did not represent democratic conduct. It illustrates that the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act was, by implication, "bulldozed" into law by the ANC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Demokratiese politieke stelsel vergun gelyke geleenthede aan elke burger sodat hul voorkeure gelyk opgeweeg word in die optrede van 'n regering, ongeag die bron of konteks daarvan. Nogtans minag regerings gereeld openbare voorkeur. Nie slegs populêre regerings nie, maar alle regerings is afhanklik van volkswil, as slegs dan die stelsel lewensvatbaar sal bly. Hierdie studie ondersoek die verhouding tussen openbare mening en openbare beleid in Suid-Afrika. Die Wet op Keuse oor Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 word gebruik, omdat dit 'n praktiese gevallestudie bied om hierdie komplekse verhouding te illustreer. Die studie maak gebruik van 'n langsdeursnee aanslag om die verandering van openbare mening oor vyf jaar te ondersoek en maak gebruik van sekondêre meningsopname vraelys analiese. Lewenshoudings oor aborsie is kruis getabuleer met demografiese veranderlikes, geloof, intriseerdheid in politiek en demokratiese grondregte. Daar is gevind dat die mees aanduidende veranderinge in openbare menings te vinde was in demografiese groepe waarteen gediskrimineer was deur die Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie van 1975. Suid-Afrika het in 1994 uit 'n wydlopende anti-apartheid stryd getree en mense-regte was van oorwegende belang vir die meeste Suid-Afrikaners. Die 1975 Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie was 'n bewys van diskriminerende apartheid wetgewing en was nie in lyn met Suid-Afrika se nuwe Grondwet nie. Dus is progressiewe aborsie wetgewing bekragtig, om vroue in Suid-Afrika gelyke burgerskap te gee, te midde van deurslaggewende openbare ontevredenheid. Die studie veronderstel dat aborsie 'n grondreg van demokrasie vorm, binne die konteks van reproduktiewe gesondheids-regte. Alhoewel Suid-Afrikaners 'n demokratiese politieke stelsel steun, het weinig die konneksie tussen aborsie en demokratiese ideologiese grondregte gemaak. Die studie maak dus die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrikaners swak ingelig is in verband met die ideologiese grondregte van demokrasie. Die inhoudsbelang van hierdie studie is dat aborsie ondersoek word as 'n politieke vraagstuk en nie as morele of wetregtige vraagstuk nie. Die African National Congress (ANC) was sterk verbind tot die totstandbringing van progresiewe aborsie wetgewing in Suid-Afrika en het besluit om op 'n party-platform te stem in Parlement aangaande voorgestelde progressiewe aborsie wetgewing. Wanneer 'n meerderheidsparty, wat 252 setels van 400 in die parlement beslaan, besluit om as 'n blok te stem oor voorgestelde wetgewing, dit redelik seker is dat dié wetgewing bekragtig sal word. Hierdie gedrag van die ANC gee aanleiding tot vrese dat Suid Afrika 'n de facto een party dominante staat is, waar vry en regverdige verkiesings voorkom, maar geen afwisseling in ampstermyn nie. Dit is skadelik vir enige demokratiese stelsel wanneer kompetisie maar geen betwisting paasvind nie. Gevolglik word dit al hoe moeiliker om te onderskei tussen party-en staatsbelange. Die studie sluit af dat die publiek nie regeer het in hierdie geval nie. Dit is die siening van hierdie studie dat die bekragtiging van die Wet op Keuse oor die Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 nie goeie demokratiese optrede weerspieël het nie en dat dit, by implikasie, deur die ANC deur middel van intimidasie bekragtig is.

Thesis (MPhil (Sociology and Social Anthropology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The South African woman, due to political and social change, has a totally new role to play in the workplace. The study focused on attitudes by men towards black rural women who are participating in the upper echelons of rural economic development and have to display their full potential in positions previously and traditionally reserved for rural men. The research was conducted in the Port St John’s irrigation maize producing projects of Thandanani and Umngazi. The study develops and investigates the hypothesis that rural men have negative attitudes to the advancement of rural women. The researcher uses the theory of social closure, that originated from Max Weber, within which rural women’s upward mobility and resistance of men thereto can be placed. Social closure refers to the phenomenon that a hierarchical or stratified social system tends to develop in which an elite group seeks to maximize rewards by restricting access to resources to a limited circle of the eligible. In this a top-down process of exclusion and the limitation of opportunities, originating from rural men, is assumed. In contrast, rural women may attempt to gain access to opportunities enjoyed by rural men through a process of usurpation. In order to investigate these possibilities a social attitude survey was conducted among 45 male members of the Thandanani and Umngazi maize producing projects. Questionnaires in Xhosa language and based on summated rating scales were used. The rural men’s attitudes towards women were found to be differentiated. On the one hand, positive attitudes were found that support the advancement of women, accept equal opportunities and their creativity and helpfulness. On the other hand, sexist attitudes were observed that perceive women to be less capable and inherently inferior to men. Men, as the resourceful in-group, believe and think themselves as superior to women as the inferior out-group who as a result occupies lower positions of wealth and power. Men perpetuate their advantageous position and pass it to their offspring. These findings are borne out by literature where it is stated that men undermine cooperation between men and women in decision-making (Colclough 1999), regard women as minors (Cross et al 1988; Lessing 1994), and do not see them as relevant and worthy (Epstein 1970). Men are seen to have a desire to protect their advantage and create rules of distribution of resources to their own favour (Nel 2003). Development projects towards the advancement of women, who are believed to be inferior and incapable, are therefore deemed to fail. It is recommended that all agencies should adopt and implement equal opportunity programmes, feminists need to explore possibilities and give attention to how and in what areas men can be approached to enlist support in the struggle for women’s opportunities and rights; and cooperatives be established to break gender stereotypes through training and removal of boundaries that created occupational segregation between the genders.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Tertiary institutions worldwide as well as locally have investigated sexual harassment on their campuses. This was done partly because of the negative consequences of sexual harassment on students and staff, particularly their work performance. Incidents of sexual harassment reported at universities range from rape and sexual assault to threats and sexist remarks by lecturers. When researching this phenomenon, difficulty is normally encountered partly due to the uncertainty that surrounds this activity. This is because perceptions differ as to what kind of conduct constitutes sexual harassment. Research further indicates that there are gender and racial differences in the assessment of sexual harassment. The current study investigates the uncertainty, gender and racial differences that exist regarding sexual harassment at a specific university campus. By means of a survey the perceptions of students regarding these three issues were determined at the Faculty of Military Science, a satellite campus of the University of Stellenbosch. With the utilisation of statistlcal packages, frequencies and statistical differences amongst the various sub-groups at the campus were determined. This was done in order to compare these findings with those of other universities who conducted similar sexual harassment surveys on their campuses in South Africa. It was found that no clear idea of what constitutes sexual harassment exist amongst these students. In particular women in the survey consistently viewed more incidents as contributing to sexual harassment than men. As oppose to other findings, Blacks registered a more conservative attitude when assessing whether certain incidents can be viewed as sexual harassment. The above was found notwithstanding the differing social context, especially the socialisation process and the fairly rigid codes of conduct, that students at the Military Academy are exposed to. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Verskeie tersiêre instellings, wêreldwyd sowel as plaaslik, het seksuele teistering op hul kampusse ondersoek. Dit was deels gedoen as gevolg van die negatiewe gevolge wat hierdie aktiwiteit op studente en personeellede het, veralop hul werksprestasie. Gerapporteerde insidente by universiteite wissel vanaf verkragting en seksuele aanvalle tot dreigemente en seksistiese opmerkings deur dosente. Probleme is ondervind tydens navorsing oor die verskynsel wat deels toegeskryf kan word aan die onsekerheid wat hierdie aktiwiteit omhul. Dit hou verband met persepsies wat verskil ten opsigte van die soort gedrag wat seksuele teistering teenwoordig. Navorsing wys verder daarop dat geslags- en rasverskille bestaan by die assesering van seksuele teistering. Die huidige studie ondersoek die onsekerheid, geslags- en rasverskille ten opsigte van seksuele teistering by 'n spesifieke universiteitskampus. Deur middel van 'n opname word die persepsies van studente rakende die drie kwessies bepaal by die Fakulteit Krygskunde, 'n satelietkampus van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Met behulp van statistiese pakkette, word frekwensies en statistiese verskille tussen die verskillende subgroepe op die kampus bepaal. Dit was gedoen ten einde in staat te wees om die bevindinge te vergelyk met die van ander Suid-Afrikaanse universiteite wat seksuele teistering opnames op hul kampusse gedoen het. Daar word bevind dat geen duidelike idee van wat seksuele teistering behels bestaan onder die studente nie. In besonder word bevind dat vroue in die opname deurlopend meer insidente aanslaan as seksuele teistering, as mans. In teenstelling met ander bevindinge, registreer swart persone 'n meer konserwatiewe houding wanneer bepaal word of sekere insidente seksueel teisterend van aard is, al dan nie. Bogenoemde was bevind desondanks die eiesoortige sosiale konteks waarin studente hulself bevind, veral die sosialiseringsproses en die redelike streng gedragskodes, waaraan studente van die Militêre Akademie onderwerp word.

This study demonstrates the negative effect of stereotypes in the progression of women in the legal profession in South Africa and the laws, policies and measures that reinforce gender and sex stereotypes are discriminatory on the basis of gender and sex. This notwithstanding, it considers whether gender equality can be achieved where the measures adopted for gender transformation are premised on gender or sex stereotypes. The study analyses the Cape Bar Maternity Policy in concluding that this approach is justifiable and necessary to achieve substantive gender equality. In addition, this study provides recommendations for the legal profession to achieve substantive gender equality that include: special measures to ensure that the working environment is cognisant of the lived realities of women; requiring practitioners to confront their individual bias by holding them accountable for habits and attitudes that maintain gender inequality; and linking the career advancement of legal professionals to a demonstrable commitment to gender transformation. / Jurisprudence / LL. M. (Human Rights Law)