Since Trump came to power, American diplomatic style has changed significantly, especially concerning China's strategy. With the background of the economic, political and diplomatic gap between China and America narrowing. Although Trump continues the previous government's 'Asia-Pacific rebalancing' strategy to some extent, he shows his unique style and is more realistic. At the same time, Trump's government's efforts to restructure Sino-U. S. relations are constrained by many factors. With the development and change of political and economic situations, new adjustments will be made to the U.S. policy towards China, and the development of Sino-U.S. relations will retain great plasticity. However, the right way for Sino-U.S. relations to go is to build a win-win relationship with benign competition. First of all, the development content of the U.S.'s China policy is considered. Second, the reasons for Trump's adjustment of China policy is explained. Then, an analysis of the impact of Trump's China policy proves that this series of competition has more negative than positive impacts. Finally, some measures and methods to enable the Trump administration to improve the foreign policy toward China, also the healthy development trends of China and the U.S. are proposed.

This thesis explores the how the media filtered the rhetoric of candidate Donald Trump, specifically concerning how both right wing and left wing media reported his campaign announcement speech in June of 2015.

Titel: State of the Donald - En kvantitativ innehållsanalys av svenska mediers gestaltning av den tillträdande amerikanska presidenten Donald Trump.
Författare: Carl-Johan Linde & Sarah Olsson
Antal ord: 10 560 Problemformulering: Det amerikanska valet 2016 beskrevs av många som ett av de allra smutsigaste och mest brutala valen i mannaminnen. Ett val som till slut kom att stå mellan två kandidater, nämligen Hillary Rodham Clinton och Donald J. Trump. Efter en lång och inte minst intensivt val, stod det under morgonen den 9 november 2016 svensk tid klart att det amerikanska folket valt att rösta fram Donald Trump som landets näste president. Detta blev ett valresultat som förvåna många människor och ett val som skapa ett massivt medialt intresse, inte minst i Sverige där det skrivit hela 114 000 artiklar. Men vilken bild av den blivande amerikanska presidenten är det vi svenskar får ta del av utifrån våra svenska medier. Hur väljer våra ledande svenska morgon- och kvällstidningar att gestalta den kommande amerikanska presidenten. Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att granska hur den blivande amerikanska presidenten Donald Trump gestaltats i olika svenska nyhetsmedier under valet 2016.
Metod och material: En kvantitativ innehållsanalys har genomförts bestående av totalt 146 analysenheter från Sveriges fyra ledande morgon- och kvällstidningar. Huvudresultat: Genom arbetet med denna studie har vi nått resultat som visar på att våra utvalda svenska morgontidningar visar på en majoritet av politiska spelgestaltningar. Vi ser därmed att delar utav resultat går i viss utsträckning i motsatta riktning mot den tidigare forskning som funnits kring området. Vår studie visar även att det är just kvällstidningarna och inte morgontidningarna som i en tydligare utsträckning genom perioden som vi valt att analysera, använda sig av just sakgestaltningar.

Why did Americans vote for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential election? Social scientists have proposed a variety of explanations, including economic dissatisfaction, sexism, racism, Islamophobia, and xenophobia. The current study establishes that, independent of these influences, voting for Trump was, at least for many Americans, a symbolic defense of the United States’ perceived Christian heritage. Data from a national probability sample of Americans surveyed soon after the 2016 election shows that greater adherence to Christian nationalist ideology was a robust predictor of voting for Trump, even after controlling for economic dissatisfaction, sexism, anti-black prejudice, anti-Muslim refugee attitudes, and anti-immigrant sentiment, as well as measures of religion, sociodemographics, and political identity more generally. These findings indicate that Christian nationalist ideology—although correlated with a variety of class-based, sexist, racist, and ethnocentric views—is not synonymous with, reducible to, or strictly epiphenomenal of such views. Rather, Christian nationalism operates as a unique and independent ideology that can influence political actions by calling forth a defense of mythological narratives about America’s distinctively Christian heritage and future.

During recent years, America’s attitude toward immigrants has become increasingly excluding. Previous research shows that it is common for illegal immigration and crime to be related to one another, although research shows that there is no relationship between them. The president of the United States, Donald Trump, is known for dividing the American people from the illegal immigrants. Therefore, this study analyses how Trump portraits the American people and the illegal immigrants. Further, the study analyses how he divides these groups from each other. The study is based on a qualitative content analysis where six speeches made by Trump is analysed. The results of the study show that Trump positively portrays the American people by saying they possess unique values. Unlike this, he portrays the illegal immigrants as people that commit crimes such as murder and sexual crimes. Trump also portraits the two groups by dividing them from each other. He does this by giving a positive picture of the American people at the same time as he gives a negative picture of the illegal immigrants. Further, he divides the groups by creating a feeling of unity between the American people through talking about shared culture, values, and an unique history. / Under de senaste åren har USA:s inställning blivit alltmer exkluderande gentemot immigranter. Tidigare forskning visar att det är vanligt att illegal immigration och brottslighet ställs i relation till varandra trots att forskning visar att det inte finns ett samband däremellan. Amerikas president Donald Trump omtalad för att skapa en uppdelning mellan det amerikanska folket och de illegala immigranterna. I relation till detta analyserar denna studie hur Trump framställer det amerikanska folket och de illegala immigranterna samt hur han separerar grupperna från varandra. Studien är baserad på en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där sex av Trumps tal analyseras. Studiens resultat har visat på att Trump ofta framställer det amerikanska folket på ett positivt sätt genom att säga att deras värderingar är unika. Till skillnad från detta framställs ofta de illegala immigranterna som mördare och sexualförbrytare. Han framställer grupperna även genom att separera dem från varandra genom att ge en positiv bild av det amerikanska folket samtidigt som han ger en negativ bild av de illegala immigranterna. Vidare separerar han grupperna genom att framkalla känslor av gemenskap hos det amerikanska folket genom att tala om att de delar en gemensam kultur, värderingar och historia som är unik.

This bachelor thesis quantitatively researches every tweet Donald Trump has written in february 2017 from his personal Twitter account @realDonaldTrump. This particular period was chosen because it was the first full month that Trump was president of the United States of America. That's why it would be interesting to examine his tweets in his new official role as president. The purpose of this study is to find out how Donald Trump used language and his content on Twitter during his first month as president in 2017. What time during the day Donald Trump published his tweets and how his tweets were received by his readers is also of interest to this study. To do this the study uses theories about power as an interactionfield, representation and encoding and decoding. This study relies on a quantitative content analasis as a method and through it Trumps tweets were gathered, compiled and then given a main and a secondary theme. The themes were negative, positive, neutral, political, personal and other. Besides the main and secondary themes, i counted the number of syllables and words Trump used and also how much response he got on the tweets in the form av replies, retweets and likes. The result shows that Trumps negative and political tweets got the most response, mostly in the form of likes. Words that Trump writes more than others are words like fake, news, and media. the result also showed that most of the words Trump writes on Twitter only contains one or two syllables. / Denna studie har kvantitativt undersökt alla Donald Trumps tweets från februari 2017. Dessa tweets härstammar från Trumps personliga twitterkonto @realDonaldTrump. Perioden valdes på grund av det var den första hela månaden som Donald Trump var USA:s president. Därför var det intressant att se hur Trump twittrade som president. Själva syftet med studien är att utifrån teorier om makt som interaktionsfält, representation och encoding och decoding ta reda på hur Donald Trump språkligt och innehållsligt använde Twitter under den första månaden som president 2017. Av intresse är också vilken tid på dygnet Donald Trump twittrar och hur hans tweets har mottagits av läsarna. Studien utgår från en kvantitativ innehållsanalys som metod och genom den har Trumps tweets sammanställts och kategoriserats upp i huvudteman och underteman, bestående av negativa, positiva, neutrala, politiska, personliga och annat. Utöver huvudteman och underteman räknades även antalet stavelser och ord Trump skrev. Studien analyserade bland annat hur mycket respons Trump fick på sina tweets och responsen han får är i form av reply, retweet och like. Resultatet tyder på att Trumps negativa och politiska tweets får mest respons, främst i form av likes. Det har även undersökts vilka ord Trump skriver mest på Twitter och hur många stavelser de innehåller och i resultatet kom det fram att ord som Trump skriver mycket är fake, news, och media med mera. Trump skriver även majoriteten av sina ord med en eller två stavelser.

This essay provides a comparison of Trump’s rhetoric to fascist and populist ideology through an analysis and politolinguistic framing of the usage of apophasis, mesarchia, and pathos in Trump content spanning the first six months of his candidacy for the 2016 U.S. presidency seat. This account finds that Trump is decidedly Ur-Fascist or populist, and cannot be neither of the two, is likely both Ur-Fascist and populist, and leans more in favor of populist ideology given the analyses undertaken. This account ultimately aims to have supported critical discourse analysis (CDA) and politiolinguistics in support of these approaches as rigorous political tools, and to have encouraged the pursuit of political and civil awareness.

There has been a recent rise in the use of social media as a platform for political communication. President Donald Trump who is very influential, due in part to his celebrity status as well as his presidential position, has had the power to influence his millions of followers on twitter. For this research, I used a content analysis and comparative analysis approach on eight tweets made by President Donald Trump which targeted Mexican immigration, Maxine Waters, LeBron James, Don Lemon, the National Football League (NFL) national anthem protesters and Elizabeth Warren and three tweets made by Senator Ted Cruz which targeted Mexican immigration. I found that for Mexican immigration, twitter commenters on Trump’s tweets were more prone to agree with him, as opposed to Cruz’s tweets, where his commenters disagreed with him.

The aim with this essay is to examine how two Swedish newspapers, Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter, have framed Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton during the US presidential election in 2016. The goal with this essay is to contribute to research on how politicians are described in the news media and how politicians’ gender affect this description. The research questions are as follows:  1. How did the Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter frame Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton during US presidential election in 2016? 2. What similarities and differences can be seen between the two candidates, in how they were framed? 3. Were there any similarities and differences between the two newspapers, in how they framed the candidates?    In order to answer the research questions, we conducted a quantitative content analysis, in which we analyzed 160 news articles. The articles were published between February first and November eighth in 2016. Through, first, a strategic, and then, a systematic selection 80 articles for each candidate were selected. For the survey three theoretical fields were chosen; framing theory, media logic (focusing on personalization) and gender theory. The quantitative content analysis coding scheme is based on these theories.   The results show that game and strategy framing was the most prevalent form of framing in both newspapers, about half of all the articles were framed as game and strategy. The most common topic of the articles was “the election, opinion polls and media”. The result also showed that Trump often was termed as evil, as a loser, and the articles were often negatively angled towards him. Clinton was more often termed as good, as a winner and the articles were more positive towards her. However, Trump got the most attention in both papers. The survey also shows a higher degree of personalization against Clinton and she weren’t quoted in the articles as much as Trump. No major differences were seen between the newspapers in their use of frames and the degree of personalization.

Análisis histórico-reflexivo y comparativo sobre la política exterior de los Estados Unidos hacia el mundo desde la época de la Guerra Fría hasta la actualidad. En particular, se enfatizan las características esenciales del gobierno demócrata de Barack Obama (2009-2017) y el actual, republicano, presidido por Donald Trump a los fines de resaltar sus diferencias e impacto tanto en política doméstica como en el ámbito internacional. La charla concluye con algunas reflexiones sobre las políticas domésticas e internacionales del Presidente Trump a la luz del COVID19 y su posible impacto en las elecciones presidenciales de noviembre próximo. / Oliver Griffith: Diplomático estadounidense retirado, con amplia experiencia en Europa, África y Latinoamérica. Experto en comunicación, miembro y director de la Cámara americana de Comercio en Francia y actualmente Director de la consultora Diplomatic Writing Service.