The 8-inch wafer Fab. landing China or not evoked highly concerned in the worldwide, and even evoked the misdoubt if Taiwan clash with Wassenar Agreements . On New Year¡¦s Day, President Chen Shei-Ben reiterated the Policy of Economy and Trade across the Taiwan Straits, ¡§Proactive liberalization with effective management¡¨, which also evoked controversy in the worldwide. While UMC (United Microelectronic Corporation) ¡¥s He-Jan investment was been debating hotly, we considered if it also had great effect of production race between Taiwan and China, besides business benefits. Moreover, we considered if it resulted in the technology illegal landing, and conflicted with Wassenar Agreements, by avoiding to threaten the national security. If Taiwan was a launching pad of America high tech to China, it would cause other high techs importing forbiddance from America. Because of that, Taiwan gets more a loss than gains. Suppose ¡§Economic globalization¡¨ is the lifeblood of Taiwan; The semiconductor industry is not only holding on the advantages of past , but also trying to approach to the market. Furthermore, it should create production competitiveness. The government should follow the market rules, develop the reciprocal relationship with business and reach the goal of looking after both sides, economic developing and national security. In this study, it expects to discuss the influence of The Sensitive Scientific Technology Draft Bill legislation of funding, technology, equipment, brain-import abridged in semiconductor production in Taiwan to the competitive advantage of production; (1) Understanding the status and meaning of The Sensitive Scientific Technology Draft Bill in Taiwan. (2) Does tech-import controlling of The Sensitive Scientific Technology Draft Bill in Taiwan has connecting to international relative laws? (3) Analyzing the impact of the protect mechanism of The Sensitive Scientific Technology Draft Bill to competitive advantage of semiconductor industry. The first study step is to comparing analyze the aims, effects, targets of international relative laws by documents study, especially according to the international relative laws of high-tech import controlling, for example, the administration rules and complement actions of COCOM and Wassenar Agreements, for understanding the reasonable and objective of The Scientific Technology Draft Bill (The Sensitive Scientific Technology Draft Bill). Moreover, base on profound interview with business to processing the situational analysis of business, production, people, society, government and the national security. This study conclusion and the suggestions from business experience can offer the reference resources for lawmaking and revising.

The aim of this thesis is the development of the protection of human rights in the European Union, the analysis of the current state and coherence in the context of the legal regulations of the Czech Republic, including the enforcement of human rights in connection withthe judgements.

The word expropriation is used in South Africa to describe the process whereby a public authority or institution takes property from a private person for public purposes against payment of compensation. The current Act regulating expropriations in South Africa is known as the Expropriation Act 63 of 1975. However, it has three primary inconsistencies with the Constitution. Firstly it predates the Constitution - therefore, it does not infuse the values of equality, human dignity and the achievement of freedom. Secondly it is not consistent with comparable modem statutes elsewhere in the world. The last issue is that this Act is inconsistent with the Constitution in the sense that the Act only provides for expropriation for public purposes and the Constitution provides for expropriation in the public interest as well as for a public purpose. For these reasons it is crucial to establish a new legislative framework. In an attempt to rectify the above difficulties, an expropriation policy and a draft Bill were introduced. The primary purpose of the Bill is to harmonise the considerable amount of legislation in South Africa on the subject of expropriation, and to fill the gaps of the current Act. However, the new proposed Bill was referred back to cabinet as it had various difficulties. According to newspaper commentators, one of these reasons was that market value would not be used when determining the amount of compensation. This is not true, as market value is one of the listed factors in section 25(3) of the Constitution, and it is provided for in the Bill. Another reason was that the role of the courts will also be restricted in the new Bill. Parties will no longer be able to refer disputes concerning the amount of compensation to court. Once again this is not true, the courts role is only restricted in the sense that it would no be able to determine the amount of compensation as provided for in the Constitution, but will only be allowed to approve or decline the amount the Minister determined. This is one of the aspects that may be debatable constitutionally. After an in-depth study of the proposed Bill, the author came to the conclusion that there are actually only three aspects that might be unconstitutional namely; the definition of public interest which is to be included that widens the capacity to expropriate; departure from the notice procedure; and the fact that the courts may no longer determine the amount of compensation, but only approve or decline. Expropriation is one of the most important tools to speed up land reform in South Africa, and it is, therefore, of the utmost importance that the procedure must take place in a fair, equitable and constitutional manner. The purpose of this study will be to identify the aspects which result in expropriations that is not done on this basis, to scrutinize them and to make recommendations to these aspects. / Thesis (LL.M. (Law)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

The word expropriation is used in South Africa to describe the process whereby a public authority or institution takes property from a private person for public purposes against payment of compensation. The current Act regulating expropriations in South Africa is known as the Expropriation Act 63 of 1975. However, it has three primary inconsistencies with the Constitution. Firstly it predates the Constitution - therefore, it does not infuse the values of equality, human dignity and the achievement of freedom. Secondly it is not consistent with comparable modem statutes elsewhere in the world. The last issue is that this Act is inconsistent with the Constitution in the sense that the Act only provides for expropriation for public purposes and the Constitution provides for expropriation in the public interest as well as for a public purpose. For these reasons it is crucial to establish a new legislative framework. In an attempt to rectify the above difficulties, an expropriation policy and a draft Bill were introduced. The primary purpose of the Bill is to harmonise the considerable amount of legislation in South Africa on the subject of expropriation, and to fill the gaps of the current Act. However, the new proposed Bill was referred back to cabinet as it had various difficulties. According to newspaper commentators, one of these reasons was that market value would not be used when determining the amount of compensation. This is not true, as market value is one of the listed factors in section 25(3) of the Constitution, and it is provided for in the Bill. Another reason was that the role of the courts will also be restricted in the new Bill. Parties will no longer be able to refer disputes concerning the amount of compensation to court. Once again this is not true, the courts role is only restricted in the sense that it would no be able to determine the amount of compensation as provided for in the Constitution, but will only be allowed to approve or decline the amount the Minister determined. This is one of the aspects that may be debatable constitutionally. After an in-depth study of the proposed Bill, the author came to the conclusion that there are actually only three aspects that might be unconstitutional namely; the definition of public interest which is to be included that widens the capacity to expropriate; departure from the notice procedure; and the fact that the courts may no longer determine the amount of compensation, but only approve or decline. Expropriation is one of the most important tools to speed up land reform in South Africa, and it is, therefore, of the utmost importance that the procedure must take place in a fair, equitable and constitutional manner. The purpose of this study will be to identify the aspects which result in expropriations that is not done on this basis, to scrutinize them and to make recommendations to these aspects. / Thesis (LL.M. (Law)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-22T20:49:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-22 / Esta dissertação teve como objetivo descrever e analisar quantitativamente e qualitativamente a produção legislativa que trata da questão da saúde, em tramitação, nos anos de 2007 e 2008, no Congresso Nacional. Foi realizado um estudo descritivoexploratório com corte transversal e abordagem quantitativa e qualitativa. O material de análise do estudo foi constituído por 112 projetos de lei em tramitação na Comissão de Seguridade Social e Família (Câmara dos Deputados) e 32 projetos de lei na Comissão de Assuntos Sociais (Senado Federal), relacionados à saúde, com data de apresentação entre janeiro de 2007 a dezembro de 2008. A pesquisa teve duas fases distintas: na primeira fase foi realizada uma pesquisa quantitativa através da estratificação, classificação e análise dos Projetos de Lei. Na segunda fase houve uma abordagem qualitativa através de um questionário com perguntas fechadas a um grupo de profissionais que atuavam no sistema de saúde, com a finalidade de avaliar a relevância, viabilidade, alinhamento estratégico e impacto dos projetos selecionados. Ao final da pesquisa, os seguintes resultados foram obtidos: das 144 proposições, 57,6% dos PL’s selecionados foram apresentados no ano de 2007 e 42,4% em 2008. O PT (12,5%) foi o partido político que mais apresentou PL's seguido do PMDB (11,1%) e PSDB (10,4%). Apenas 25,7% dos parlamentares que apresentaram PL's relacionados à saúde são da área da saúde. Um ano após a coleta de material de análise do estudo, foi verificado que a maioria (93,7%) dos PL's continuava em tramitação, 4,9% foram arquivados e apenas 1,4% foram transformados em Norma Jurídica. Quanto ao foco de atenção dos projetos de lei relacionados à saúde, mais da metade (57,7%) dos PL's estava relacionada com o Sistema Público de Saúde e apenas 4,2% se referem à natureza orçamentária (financiamento da saúde). Em relação aos resultados do questionário aplicado, 78,1% dos respondentes encontravam-se insatisfeito/muito insatisfeito com o Poder Legislativo e 41,8% dos respondentes classificaram o Sistema Público de Saúde como ruim/péssimo. Já no Sistema Privado de Saúde, apenas 9,6% o consideraram ruim/péssimo. Quanto aos critérios avaliativos dos projetos de lei, mais da metade (51,5%) dos respondentes declararam que não entenderam no PL a forma de viabilizar (Viabilidade) o proposto, 40,6% responderam que não existe relevância nos projetos de lei apresentados, 52,7% responderam que não existe alinhamento estratégico às prioridades e às políticas de saúde do país e 52,5% disseram que a recusa do projeto de lei não traria impactos negativos e/ou seria prejudicial para a sociedade brasileira. Quando simulado uma consulta pública, mais da metade (54,4%) respondeu que aprovaria o projeto de lei que analisou, 30,1% reprovariam e 10,1% se abstiveram da escolha. Por meio dos dados deste estudo, pôde-se perceber que a produção legislativa, no âmbito da saúde, é baixa; os parlamentares com formação acadêmica na área da saúde produzem pouco (25% da amostra) e a transformação dos projetos de lei em Norma Jurídica é mínima (apenas 1,4% da amostra). Outro aspecto importante verificado foi o alto índice de insatisfação com o Poder Legislativo e com o Sistema de Saúde Público Brasileiro, além da baixa qualidade da produção legislativa no Congresso Nacional. / This dissertation had the objective to describe and analyse qualitatively and quantitatively the legislative production which deals with health, at the National Congress, happening in 2007 and 2008. It was done a descriptive-exploratory study with transverse cut and quantitative and qualitative approach. The material of analysis from the study was constituted by 112 draft bills which were performed at Social Security and family (House of representatives) and 32 draft bills at the Social Subjects (Federal Senate), related to health, which were performed from January 2007 to December 2008. The research had two distinctive phases, at the first phase there was a quantitative research through stratification, classification and analysis of the draft bills. At the second phase there was a qualitative approach made through a questionnaire containing closed questions to a specific group of professionals who performed in the Health System and the objective was to analyse the relevance, viability, strategic balance and impact of the selected projects. At the end of the study, the following results were found; from the 144 possibilities, 57,6% of the draft bills selected were presented in 2007 and 42,4% in 2008. The Labour Party, PT, was the one which most presented draft bills (12,5%) followed by PMDB (11,1%) and PSDB (10,4%). Only 25,7% of the Members of the Congress who presented draft bills deal with Health Policy. After a year of gathering the material to analyse the study, was verified that the majority of the draft bills (93,7%) were still being done, 4,9% were filed and only 1,4% were transformed in juridical norm. Considering the aim of the draft bills related to health, more than a half (57,7%) of the draft bills are related to the SUS ( Public Health Care ) and only 4,2% are related to quotation (financing for health). Considering the result of the applied questionnaire, 78,1% from the questioned people were dissatisfied, very dissatisfied with the Legislative Power and 41,8% classified as bad, extremely bad; at the private Health System only 9,6% considered bad, extremely bad. In relation to the criteria of the draft bills, more than a half (51,5%) from the questioned people declared that they did not understand, in the draft bills, the way of making viable what was proposed, 40,6% answered that there is no relevance; 52,7% answered there is not strategic balance from the draft bills to the priorities and the health policies of the country and 52,5% answered that the refusal of the draft bills would not bring negative impacts or would be prejudicial to the Brazilian society. Through a public enquire, more than a half (54,4%) answered they would approve the draft bill they analysed; 30,1% would not approve and 10,1% did not answer. Through the data of this study we can perceive that the Legislative production, related to health, is low; the members of the congress with academic graduation in the health area has a low output (25% of the amount) and the draft bills which become juridical norm is minimal (only 1,4% of the amount). It is important to point out the high rate of insatisfaction with the Legislative Power, with the Health Public Brazilian System and the low quality of the legislative production at the National Congress. / TEDE / BV UNIFESP: Teses e dissertações

Si l’on s’en tient à une vision formelle, la participation du Conseil d'Etat à la confection de laloi apparaît marquée par une permanence et une stabilité remarquables depuis sa création enl’An VIII. Un examen plus approfondi montre une vérité plus complexe. Jusqu’à saconstitutionnalisation sous la Vème République, la participation du Conseil d'Etat à laconfection de la loi a été confrontée à la problématique de sa légitimité. C’est à un tout autreenjeu auquel le Conseil d'Etat est aujourd'hui confronté dans l’exercice de sa fonctionlégislative, celui de son expansion au sein des institutions publiques depuis la révisionconstitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 qui a modifié sa place dans le processus législatif. Dans lecadre de sa participation à la loi, le Conseil d'Etat a par ailleurs à faire face auxtransformations qui traversent l’ordre juridique, et en particulier au phénomène dediversification des sources du droit qui commande une nécessaire adaptation de son cadreorganisationnel, de ses méthodes et de sa grille d’analyse. / If we stick to a formal vision, participation of the Council of State in making the law appearsmalrked by a remarquable permanence and stability since its inception in the year VIII. Acloser examination reveals a more complex truth. Until its constitutionalization in the FifthRepublic, the participation of the Council of State in making the law was faced with theproblem of legitimacy. This is a different issue that the Council of State is currently facing inthe exercise of its legislative function, the one of its expansion in public institutions since theconstitutional revision of the 23th July 2008 which amended its place in the legislativeprocess. As part of its participation in the law, the Council of State has also to deal with thetransformations the legal system has to face today, and in particular the phenomenon ofdiversification of sources of law that controls a necessary adaptation of its organizationalframework, its methods and its analytical framework.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Tocantins Maltez.pdf: 3910859 bytes, checksum: 09532e1840fa58ca5b5f01a0e4d819f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-15 / The Federal Constitution includes as Union property the subterraneous natural cavities and archeological and pre-historic sites . According to this express provision, by itself, highlight the value, just as well interest of the Brazilian society in the protection of this assets, which was clearly elucidate by lawgiver in 1988. As an environmental heritage to be preserved, the subterraneous natural cavities which doesn t have a current regulatory legislation, nothing more than Executive Branch norms about this issue (in special decree n. 6.649/2008) the natural cavities certainly deserve analyses and more specific problematization, specially over the conflicts with others equally constitutionals values, what raises a clash between exploitation of natural resources to supply the present capitalist mode of production against preserving speleological patrimony by multiples values offered at no charge to the humanity. For that all, it is necessary to identify, from the Constitution, the juridical nature and the legal regime applicable to subterraneous natural cavities, for purposes of it s preservation and implementation of sustainable development in relation to mining, under state management of Union. On this perspective, the present thesis objective (i) identify the environmental speleological patrimony protected constitutionally; (ii) approach of economical exploration over subterraneous natural cavities, in clash between necessity of preservation; (iii) discourse about biodiversity protection and scientific and cultural heritage involved in the environment of this cavities; and (iv) expose the interferences of the mining activity in subterraneous natural cavities and the unique natural resources in danger of extinction, by oversight of regulatory provisions in force and the Union management. Based in problematic exposed and with mainstay in the basic reference reunited law, legal doctrine, treaty, jurisprudence , concludes that decree n. 6.640/2008 is unconstitutional and the subterraneous natural cavities have multiple legal nature, than deserve special legal regulations and, therefore, there is the draft bill n. 5071/1990 specifically treats the natural cavities , which has been processed for two decades and it is only pending a review of changes proposed by Federal Senate Substitute, since September 2011 / A Constituição Federal incluiu como bens da União as cavidades naturais subterrâneas e os sítios arqueológicos e pré-históricos . Essa disposição, por si só, evidencia o valor e o interesse da sociedade brasileira na proteção desses bens, traduzidos pelo legislador originário em 1988. Como patrimônio ambiental a ser preservado o qual não dispõe de legislação regulamentadora de regência, mas apenas de normas emanadas do Poder Executivo regulando a matéria (em especial o Decreto n. 6.640/2008) , as cavidades naturais são merecedoras de análise e problematização mais específicas, especialmente quanto aos conflitos com outros valores igualmente constitucionais, os quais suscitam o embate entre a exploração de recursos do ambiente natural para abastecer o atual modo de produção capitalista e a necessidade de preservar o patrimônio espeleológico pelos múltiplos valores que gratuitamente oferecem ao homem. Por tudo isso, é preciso identificar, a partir da Constituição, a natureza jurídica e o regime jurídico aplicáveis às cavidades naturais subterrâneas, para fins de sua preservação e aplicação do desenvolvimento sustentável em relação à mineração, sob gestão da União. Nesta perspectiva, a presente tese objetiva (i) identificar o patrimônio espeleológico ambiental tutelado constitucionalmente; (ii) abordar a exploração econômica das cavidades naturais subterrâneas, em confronto com a necessária preservação; (iii) discorrer sobre a proteção da biodiversidade e do patrimônio científico-cultural envoltos nos ambientes cavernícolas; e (iv) expor as interferências das atividades de mineração nas cavidades naturais subterrâneas e os recursos naturais peculiares em perigo de extinção, dado o descuido das disposições regulamentares em vigor e da gestão a cargo da União. A partir dos problemas apresentados e com esteio no referencial de base reunido legislação, tratados, doutrinas, jurisprudências , chega-se à conclusão de que o Decreto n. 6.640/2008 é inconstitucional e que as cavidades naturais subterrâneas possuem natureza jurídica múltipla, merecendo regulamentação legal, em sentido formal, específica e, para tanto, existe o PL n. 5.071/1990 especificamente das cavidades naturais , o qual tramita há mais de duas décadas e está pendente apenas de revisão das alterações a ele propostas pelo Substitutivo do Senado Federal, desde setembro de 2011