Les ascidies présentent des propriétés remarquables au sein des métazoaires qui en font un modèle particulièrement intéressant pour étudier le fonctionnement et l’évolution des éléments cis-régulateurs dans un contexte développemental. Ciona intestinalis et Phallusia mammillata, deux espèces d’ascidies qui ont divergé il y a environ 300 millions d’années, combinent une grande conservation de leurs processus développementaux avec une grande divergence de leur séquence génomique. Pour comprendre comment « fabriquer » des embryons similaires avec des génomes divergents, nous avons identifié les éléments cis-régulateurs actifs au cours du développement de Ciona intestinalis et Phallusia mammillata en développant et en appliquant la méthode de ChIP-Seq sur des modifications d’histones sur des jeunes gastrulae. La définition puis la validation fonctionnelle de différentes catégories d'éléments cis-régulateurs nous a permis de révéler quelques propriétés de la cis-régulation au sein de génomes compacts et intensément remaniés. En sus, les données que nous avons produites constituent une resource fonctionnelle unique pour la caractérisation des éléments cis-régulateurs chez les ascidies et l'étude de leur évolution au sein des Chordés. / Ascidians display remarkable features within metazoans making them particularly suited for the study of function and evolution of cis-regulatory elements in the context of embryonic development. Ciona intestinalis and Phallusia mammillata, two ascidian species that diverged about 300M years ago, combine high conservation of their developmental processes with high divergence of their genome sequence. To understand how to “make” similar embryos with divergent genomes, we identified active cis-regulatory elements during Ciona intestinalis and Phallusia mammillata development by developing and applying the ChIP-Seq method on histone modifications in early-gastrula embryos. Definition then functional validation of different categories of cis-regulatory elements led us to reveal some features of cis-regulation within compact and highly dynamic genomes. Together, our data constitute a unique functional resource for characterizing cis-regulatory elements in ascidians and questioning their evolution within the Chordates.

The main tasks of the thesis lie in summary of present state in Human Centric Lighting field, in the optical design of luminaire and in practical verification of the proposal. The design is developed in software LightTools and for the verification of functionality the software Dialux EVO is employed. The luminaire is designed primarily with respect to the influence of light on the man and the physiological, psychological and behavioural responses in humans. The thesis is created in cooperation with the company Robe Lighting s.r.o. The proposal of the luminaire corresponds to the current state of knowledge in the area of light influence on humans. The designed luminaire in the trend HCL is distinguished by the high quality of emitted light but also with higher costs of the operation.

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The diploma thesis deals with the political strategy of the former Bolivian President Evo Morales (2006-2019). After successfully running in the 2005 presidential election, he became the first Bolivian president of Indian descent. Many authors believe that during the three election periods that Morales served in the country, there was a reversal in his political strategy, after he deviated from his original agenda of indigenous nature and began to pursue a tough extractivist policy focused on the development model of the state. The paper explores key concepts such as Indigenism, Indianism, and Katarismo and their development and influence in Bolivia. The work also tries to define the term developmentalism (development theory), which is of fundamental importance in the study of this issue. Closer attention is also paid to the personality of Evo Morales and his political activity. Based on both primary and secondary sources, we tried to define and explain the political turnaround that was to take place. The work deals with four key areas of Morales policy, the role of gas extraction, the president's relationship with exports, building infrastructure, and the autonomy of Native American movements. Based on the analysis of these areas, we examine whether there has been a political turnaround, which...

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In 2005 the largely indigenous country of Bolivia elected its first indigenous president, Evo Morales of the Movement toward Socialism (MAS) Party. Morales ran on a promise of re-distributing wealth, to aid in the development of one of Latin America's poorest countries. Morales' first term in office marked a historical achievement for the indigenous movement in Bolivia, and sparked social change in the country. The government also experienced a momentous achievement through the re-writing of the Bolivian constitution, acknowledging the country's multi-ethnic and pluri-national character. Although his social, domestic and foreign policies have been controversial, particularly in the United States, Morales was re-elected to serve a second term in 2009. This research analyzes the outcomes of Morales' policy changes during his first term in office, from 2006-2009 to examine how the election of the MAS has impacted the marginalized status of indigenous people in Bolivia.

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This dissertation clarifies the concept of evolvability, the increased capacity of some organisms or systems to support evolution, especially the evolution of life-like complexity. I survey the literature, which is spread over the fields of population genetics, developmental biology, artificial life, and microbial and molecular evolution. Finding that researchers have often used the term vaguely and incompatibly I identify five distinct kinds or senses of evolvability. I also identify five key constituent ideas, which I discuss in the context of organismic evolvability, a sense of evolvability with deep roots in the traditional fields of animal development and macroevolution. In these fields research into evolvability has historically been hampered by an insufficiently detailed knowledge of development. Research in molecular evolution has produced a thorough knowledge of the folding of RNA into secondary structure, which can be regarded as a model of development. This has motivated new approaches to evolvability based on representing development via a single genotype-phenotype mapping function. I build on these approaches to invent new mathematical methods to formalise the traditional ideas. I create an exact model illustrating a classic example of evolvability, the capacity for repeated segmentation and simple modularity. I analyse this with two new formal approaches. First is the genospace algebra, a propositional calculus based on graph theory. It is a formal language for describing genotype-phenotype maps. It provides a system for making calculations, proofs, and diagrams about mutational structures in genotype space, and it is flexible enough to allow description at arbitrary degrees of resolution. Second is a pair of concepts, the genetic leverage and the genetic fulcrum. The leverage provides a crude numerical measure of evolvability, and the fulcrum provides a heuristic for identifying the genomic and developmental causes of evolvability. Besides its specific relevance to diversification and development, evolvability is also crucial to the fundamental question of how evolution produces ordinary biological life. Simulation systems that implement only a conventional textbook model of evolution -– systems possessing only variation, inheritance, and selection –- fail to evolve anything resembling the complexity of the biological world. Research into evolvability is our best bet to illuminate the "missing ingredient" for life-like evolution.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2017-11-27T15:51:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Soraia de Carvalho - Tese PPGCS 2016.pdf: 5205971 bytes, checksum: 7dd5c8b6645cbc08493508073df2a083 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-27T15:51:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Soraia de Carvalho - Tese PPGCS 2016.pdf: 5205971 bytes, checksum: 7dd5c8b6645cbc08493508073df2a083 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-13 / Capes / Movimiento Indígena - Campesino Esta tese tem como objeto de estudo duas distintas saídas para crises de hegemonia no processo político boliviano: a Assembleia Popular de 1971 e a Assembleia Constituinte, instalada em 2006, que resultou no novo texto constitucional promulgado em 2009, sob o governo de Evo Morales. A perspectiva metodológica adotada foi a do materialismo histórico e dialético. Analisa, quanto à independência de classe: qual a relação com as classes e frações dominantes e o Estado; como se manifestaram as ilusões democráticas; suas propostas em relação ao funcionamento do sistema judiciário. Identifica em cada experiência a forma como se deu a aliança entre as classes, frações de classe e nacionalidades oprimidas. Debate a abordagem do controle da produção, da questão agrária e das nacionalidades indígenas, assim como a política militar de cada uma delas. A partir destes pontos de análise, identifica que são experiências que adotaram rumos opostos. A primeira impulsionou a luta de classes enquanto a segunda a conteve nos marcos da democracia burguesa. A Assembleia Popular era parte da estratégia revolucionária do proletariado boliviano, que constituiu um organismo embrionário de duplo poder que se manteve independente perante as classes dominante e seu Estado. A vigência do pacto militar-camponês impôs dificuldades em incorporar esta classe à Assembleia. O golpe militar de 21 de agosto de 1971 interrompeu o desenvolvimento desta experiência. A Assembleia Constituinte instaurada em 2006 organizou-se em torno de uma estratégia democratizante, como uma saída burguesa para a crise de legitimidade das instituições estatais, profundamente abaladas pelos efeitos da aplicação das políticas neoliberais que levaram o país a uma situação prérevolucionária, com os levantes batizados como Guerra da Água, em 2000 e Guerra do Gás, em 2003. A negociação com modificação do texto aprovado pelos constituintes expressou que os delegados constituintes não tiveram controle sobre o resultado do processo e os conflitos entre o Governo Morales, as comunidades indígenas e outros segmentos, sob a vigência da nova Carta demonstram os limites da via jurídico-parlamentar para que os explorados conquistem suas reivindicações. / Esta tesis tiene como objeto de estudio dos distintas salidas para crisis de hegemonía en el proceso político boliviano: la Asamblea Popular de 1971 y la Asamblea Constituyente, instalada en 2006, que resultó en el nuevo texto constitucional promulgado en 2009, bajo el gobierno de Evo Morales. La perspectiva metodológica adoptada fue la del materialismo histórico e dialético Analiza, cuanto a la independencia de clase: cual la relación con las clases y fracciones dominantes y el Estado; como las ilusiones democráticas se manifestaron; sus propuestas en relación al funcionamiento del sistema judicial. Identifica en cada experiencia la forma cómo se dio la alianza entre las clases, fracciones de clases y nacionalidades oprimidas. Debate el abordaje de temas como el control de la producción; la cuestión agraria y de las nacionalidades indígenas, así como la política militar de cada una de ellas. A partir de estos puntos de análisis, identifica que son experiencias que adoptaron rumbos opuestos. La primera impulsó la lucha de clases mientras que la segunda la contuvo en el marco de la democracia burguesa. La Asamblea Popular era parte de la estrategia revolucionaria del proletariado boliviano, se constituyó como un órgano embrionario de poder dual que se ha mantenido independiente ante las clases dominantes y su Estado. La vigencia del pacto militar-campesino ha impuesto dificultades en la incorporación de esta clase a la Asamblea. El golpe militar del 21 de agosto de 1971 interrumpió el desarrollo de esta experiencia. La Asamblea Constituyente inaugurada en 2006 se organizó en torno a una estrategia democratizante, como una salida burguesa a la crisis de legitimidad de las instituciones estatales, profundamente abaladas por la aplicación de las políticas neoliberales que llevaran al país a una situación prerevolucionaria, con los levantamientos bautizados como la Guerra del Agua en el año 2000 y la Guerra del Gas en 2003. Las negociaciones que acabaron modificando el texto aprobado por los constituyentes expone que los mencionados delegados no tuvieron control sobre el resultado del proceso político y que los conflictos entre el gobierno Morales, las comunidades indígenas y otros segmentos, bajo la vigencia de la nueva Carta demuestran los límites de los medios legales y parlamentarios para que los explotados conquisten sus reivindicaciones.