During the course of my dissertation I demonstrate the way in which Anglo-Indian women writers of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century diverge from the genre of the "feminine picturesque" as explained by Sara Suleri in her book, The Rhetoric of English India. I look too, at what Indo-English women use as a genre, instead of the "feminine picturesque". I also apply Spivakean ideas on representation to their writing in order to see the similarities and differences between my primary texts and the theory. I begin my dissertation by explaining what Sara Suleri means by the "feminine picturesque" and how I intend using it to better understand the primary texts I look at. I also explain Spivak's ideas on representation and how I intend using them to further my appreciation of Anglo-Indian and Indo-English writing of this period. I conclude my thesis by discussing my findings with regard to the theorists looked at, and how their ideas have been reflected in the four principal texts I examined. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

The impact of religious conversion on cultural identity is a study of conversion story of South African Indian Anglican Christians rooted in the oppressive history of casteism in India and Racism in South Africa. This study has used multi discipline approach using various schools of human sciences and broader theological framework in dealing with moral and ethical issues. This study defends the religious conversions and highlights the impact it has made on cultural identity of converts from social, economic, psychological and spiritual perspectives. While highlighting the positive impact of religious conversion on cultural identity this study has also pointed out some ambiguities attached to this process. This study looks into the possibilities of Native and Indian Christians working together to create a healing culture in South Africa. An attempt is made to point out the interrelatedness of the experiences of suffering of Native Christians and Indian Christians from indentured backgrounds in South Africa. This study does not cover disparity issues between native Africans and the Indian Community in South Africa. However, an attempt is made to encourage Indian Christians in South Africa to connect with the pain and pathos of poor communities in South Africa. This study encourages the Indian Christians hi South Africa to read Dalit theology and get involved with Black theologians in formulating appropriate mission praxis for their mission and ministry in post apartheid South Africa. This study concludes on a positive note and hope based on my eight years of ministry in Lenasia. During my ministry I had experienced that South African Anglican Indian Christians and native Christians have the developing ability and capacity to become a spiritual resource in building a transformed and transforming society in South Africa. I could see in them a reconciled 'wounded healers' and for me this is a powerful impact of religious conversion on their cultural identity, "Victims' now have the capacity to act as 'Wounded Healers'. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Th. (Religious Studies)

At the United Nations Conference on International Organization in April 1945 South Africa affirmed the principle of respect for human rights in a Preamble it proposed for inclusion in the Charter of the United Nations. The proposal was approved and the Preamble was accorded binding force. While South Africa participated in the earliest attempts of the United Nations to draft a bill of rights, it abstained on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights because its municipal legislation was incompatible with some articles. Similarly, South Africa did not become a party to the international human rights instruments the declaration inspired, and avoided an active role in their elaboration. Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly undertook several studies on discrimination in the field of human rights. They provided evidence that racial discrimination in South Africa intensified after the National Party came to power in May 1948 on the platform of apartheid and diverged from global trends in humanitarian law. The gap between the Union and the United Nations widened. At the first General Assembly in 1946, India successfully asked that the treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa be inscribed on the agenda. The Indian question was later subsumed in the charge that South Africa's racial policies violated the Charter and in 1952 the General Assembly began to discuss apartheid. South Africa protested that these actions contravened Charter Article 2(7), which prohibited intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, and were ultra vires. Criticism of the Union increased in intensity, until in 1960 it culminated in calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions. Research shows that South Africa was the main architect of its growing isolation, since it refused to modify domestic policies that alienated even its potential allies. Moreover, it maintained a low profile in United Nations debates on human rights issues, abstaining on all substantive clauses in the two draft covenants on human rights. These actions were interpreted as lack of interest in global humanitarian affairs. South Africa had little influence on the development of customary international law in the field of human rights but was a catalyst in the evolution of international machinery to protect them. / Jurisprudence / (LL.D)

The investigation contributes to a broader understanding of the hegemonic role of teacher organisations and their relation to the dominant structures in society. It also contributes to educational theory since it extends the traditional assertion of an individual teacher who acts as an agent of capitalism and who serves to foster the interests of the State, to teachers who operate through an organisation which becomes more powerful in articulating this hegemony. The historic evidence shows that for much of the period under investigation these teacher organisations have either endorsed, or else have failed to challenge in significant ways, the use of education by the State to ramify the ideology and practice of apartheid. In addition these organisations have had no power to compel action from political and educational authorities. Decades of compliance with State policy, or unwillingness to forcefully articulate the obvious injustices of that policy, have inevitably led to a position whereby established teacher bodies became inward looking. Ultimately, these teacher bodies could not offer a fundamental critique of the apartheid education system and therefore could not empower their members to transform society as they worked within a structural-functional and liberal framework. However, the research also shows that teachers as a collective group became capable of resisting dominant ideologies, especially during the post-1984 period. Progressive teacher organisations, fuelled by the labour movement and African nationalism convicted many conservative teacher bodies to eschew ethnicity and agitate for a unified, democratic non-racial, non-sexist State with a single Ministry of Education. This period saw an escalation in the struggles of resistance by teacher organisations against a newly established Tri-cameral parliamentary system. These empowered members effectively resisted the increasing bureaucratisation and political interference in education through which the State sought to control teachers. The study offers a new way of perceiving teacher organisations as they become involved in long term struggles of transformation which incorporates the reconstruction of a post-apartheid society. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (History of Education)

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: District Six originated in the eighteen fifties on neighbouring wine farms close to Cape Town's city centre. The first inhabitants were Europeans, but were later joined by free slaves. By 1849 the total number of inhabitants was 2943 and as a municipal area became known as the sixth district of Cape Town. Over the years District Six developed an own unique cosmopolitan character and despite a stigma as a backward residential area District Six developed as a multiracial community with its own vibrant spirit. By 1966 there were 3700 properties of which 56% were owned by Whites, 26% by Coloureds and 18% by Indians. In the same year the area had 21 schools and 17 places of worship. One of the main causes of physical deterioration was overpopulation. The occupancy figure by the 1850's was approximately 2,5 persons per habitable room. Overcrowding led to subletting of even the smallest rooms and resulted in gross exploitation of tenants, horrific crime and moral decay, all of which contributed to the slum status of the area. In 1962 the City of Cape Town devised a pilot plan for the rehabilitation of the area, but this plan was never implemented. Years of neglect of municipal services worsened the degredation of many historic buildings as well as decent living conditions for its residents. In 1962 the Group Areas Board recommended that District Six be declared a Coloured Group Area. The N.P. government rejected this recommendation and on 11 February 1966 through Proclamation 43, declared 94 hectares of the traditional District Six as an area for White occupation. Between 1965 and 1975 the government froze all property transactions in District Six to enable them to plan the redevelopment of the area. The state made financial offers to property owners, but only 10% accepted these. The majority declined these and blamed this on inflexible property valuations of the state. By 1980 the state had spent R25 million on the acquisition of properties in District Six. Government demolition of structures took place between 1968 and 1982 and resulted in the flattenning of most buildings except for a few churches. Expropriated Coloured and Indian residents were removed to the newly created residential areas on the Cape Flats. Although some previous residents of District Six were happy with their accommodation most objected to the high bond repayments on their new homes, higher transport cost to work and the breakdown of existing communities. The biggest opposition to the declaration of District Six as an area for White occupation came from local groups, namely: The Friends of District Six and the District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers Association (RRR). Opposition political parties and the press used the physical and mental suffering of the residents to challenge the government. The redevelopment of District Six was characterised by continous changes to proposed plans. In 1964 the government appointed the Niemand Committee to investigate the replanning and redevelopment of District Six. In 1970 a master plan for redevelopment was recommended . In 1974 the first properties were sold to white people by the government. In 1975 the neighbouring Walmer Estate was declared a Coloured Group Area and three years later District Six was renamed as Zonnebloem. In 1979 parts of the neighbouring Woodstock and Salt River were declared Coloured Group Areas. In 1982 the Presidents Council recommended that part of District Six be returned to the Coloured community, but the government rejected this and in October 1982 year the first whites settled in District Six. The following year a part of District Six was declared Coloured area. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Distrik Ses het in die vyftigerjare van die negentiende eeu op aanliggende wynplase van Kaapstad ontstaan. Aanvanklik het Blankes van verskillende nasionaliteite daar gevestig en later het vrygestelde slawe die inwonertal laat toeneem. Teen 1849 was die inwonertal ongeveer 2943 en in 1867 het die gebied bekend geword as die sesde distrik van Kaapstad . Distrik Ses het n eiesoortige en unieke kosmopolitiese karakter ontwikkel. Ten spyte van n stigma van agterlikheid het die gebied n borrelende en veelrassige gemeenskap gehad. In 1966 was daar ongeveer 3700 eiendomme in Distrik Ses waarvan 56% aan Blankes, 26% aan Kleurlinge en 18% aan Indiers behoort het. Teen 1966 was daar 21 skole en sewentien plekke van godsdienstige aanbidding in die gebied. Oorbevolking was een van die grootste oorsake van verval in die gebied. In die vyftigerjare was die besettingsyfer van geboue ongeveer 2,5 persone per bewoonbare vertrek. Die gevolg was onderverhuring, gruwelike uitbuiting van huurders, misdaad en sedelike verval wat aan die gebied n slumstatus besorg het. Jarelange verwaarlosing van munisipale dienste het tot vervaI van gebouestrukture en Iewenstoestande gelei. Die stadsraad se loodsplan vir opruiming in 1962 is nooit geimplementeer nie. Die Groepsgebiederaad het in 1962 aanbeveel dat die gebied as n Kleurling-groepsgebied verklaar moes word. Ten spyte van die aanbeveling is 94 hektaar van die tradisionele Distrik Ses op 11 Februarie 1966 volgens Proklamasie 43 van 1966 as n Blanke Groepsgebied verklaar. Die regering het vanaf 1965 tot 1975 aile eiendomstransaksies in Distrik Ses gevries om sodoende die herontwikkeling van die gebied te beplan. Ongeveer 10% van die eienaars het die staat se aanbod vir hul eiendom aanvaar. Die meeste het egter beswaar gemaak teen die staat se onbuigsame skattings. Teen 1980 het die staat R25 miljoen bestee aan die verkryging Slopingswerk in Distrik Ses het tussen 1968 en 1982 plaasgevind. Byna aIle geboue is gesloop en slegs enkele kerke is behou. Inwoners is na verskeie woonbuurte op die Kaapse Vlakte verskuif Alhoewel sommige vorige inwoners van Distrik Ses tevrede was met hulle nuwe woonplekke was die meeste ontevrede oor die hoe verbandkoste van nuwe wonings, hoer reiskoste en die verbrokkeling van gemeenskappe. Die grootste opposisie teen die Blankverklaring van Distrik Ses was The Friends of District Six en die District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers' Association (RRR). Opposisiepolitieke partye en die pers het die regering se rassebeleid aangeval deur te konsentreer op die ontberinge van die inwoners. Die herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses is gekenmerk deur voortdurende verandering. In 1964 is die Niemand-komitee aangestel om die herbeplanning en herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses te ondersoek. In 1970 is n meesterplan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses aanbeveel. In Julie 1974 het die regering die eerste eiendom in Distrik Ses aan Blankes verkoop. In 1975 is die aangrensende Walmer Estate tot Kleurlinggroepsgebied verklaar. Distrik Ses is in 1978 herdoop en R9 rniljoen is bewillig vir die rehabilitasieskema. In 1979 is dele van die aangrensende Woodstock en Soutrivier tot Kleurlinggroepsgebiede verklaar. In 1980 is ri gewysigde plan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses voorgele. In 1981 het die regering die Presidentsraad se aanbeveling dat n gedeelte van Distrik Ses aan die Kleurlinggemeenskap teruggegee moes word, verwerp. In Oktober 1982 het die eerste blankes in Distrik Ses gevestig. In 1983 is n gedeelte van Distrik Ses as Kleurlinggebied verklaar.

Anglo-Indians, a designation acquired in the 1911 Indian Census, had previously been known as Eurasians, East Indians, Indo-Britons and half-castes. ‘Anglo-Indian’ had previously denoted, and among some scholars continues to denote, Britons long resident in India. We will define Anglo-Indians as a particular mixed race Indo-European population arising out of the European trading and imperial presence in India, and one of several constructed categories by which transient Britons sought to demarcate racial difference within the Raj’s socio-racial hierarchy. Anglo-Indians were placed in an intermediary (and differentially remunerated) position between Indians and Domiciled Europeans (another category excluded from fully ‘white’ status), who in turn were placed below imported British superiors. The domiciled community (of Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans, treated as a single socio-economic class by Britons) were relied upon as loyal buttressing agents of British rule who could be deployed to help run the Raj’s strategically sensitive transport and communication infrastructure, and who were made as a term of their service to serve in auxiliary military forces which could help to ensure the internal security of the Raj and respond to strikes, civil disobedience or crises arising from international conflict. The thesis reveals how calls for Indianisation of state and railway employment by Indian nationalists in the assemblies inaugurated by the 1919 Government of India Act threatened, through opening up their reserved intermediary positions to competitive entry and examination by Indians, to undermine the economic base of domiciled employment. Anglo-Indian leaders responded with varying strategies. Foremost was the definition of Anglo-Indians as an Indian minority community which demanded political representation through successive phases of constitutional change and statutory safeguards for their existing employment. This study explores various strategies including: deployment of multiple identities; widespread racial passing by individuals and families; agricultural colonisation schemes; and calls for individual, familial or collective migration.

At the United Nations Conference on International Organization in April 1945 South Africa affirmed the principle of respect for human rights in a Preamble it proposed for inclusion in the Charter of the United Nations. The proposal was approved and the Preamble was accorded binding force. While South Africa participated in the earliest attempts of the United Nations to draft a bill of rights, it abstained on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights because its municipal legislation was incompatible with some articles. Similarly, South Africa did not become a party to the international human rights instruments the declaration inspired, and avoided an active role in their elaboration. Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly undertook several studies on discrimination in the field of human rights. They provided evidence that racial discrimination in South Africa intensified after the National Party came to power in May 1948 on the platform of apartheid and diverged from global trends in humanitarian law. The gap between the Union and the United Nations widened. At the first General Assembly in 1946, India successfully asked that the treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa be inscribed on the agenda. The Indian question was later subsumed in the charge that South Africa's racial policies violated the Charter and in 1952 the General Assembly began to discuss apartheid. South Africa protested that these actions contravened Charter Article 2(7), which prohibited intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, and were ultra vires. Criticism of the Union increased in intensity, until in 1960 it culminated in calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions. Research shows that South Africa was the main architect of its growing isolation, since it refused to modify domestic policies that alienated even its potential allies. Moreover, it maintained a low profile in United Nations debates on human rights issues, abstaining on all substantive clauses in the two draft covenants on human rights. These actions were interpreted as lack of interest in global humanitarian affairs. South Africa had little influence on the development of customary international law in the field of human rights but was a catalyst in the evolution of international machinery to protect them. / Jurisprudence / (LL.D)

The investigation contributes to a broader understanding of the hegemonic role of teacher organisations and their relation to the dominant structures in society. It also contributes to educational theory since it extends the traditional assertion of an individual teacher who acts as an agent of capitalism and who serves to foster the interests of the State, to teachers who operate through an organisation which becomes more powerful in articulating this hegemony. The historic evidence shows that for much of the period under investigation these teacher organisations have either endorsed, or else have failed to challenge in significant ways, the use of education by the State to ramify the ideology and practice of apartheid. In addition these organisations have had no power to compel action from political and educational authorities. Decades of compliance with State policy, or unwillingness to forcefully articulate the obvious injustices of that policy, have inevitably led to a position whereby established teacher bodies became inward looking. Ultimately, these teacher bodies could not offer a fundamental critique of the apartheid education system and therefore could not empower their members to transform society as they worked within a structural-functional and liberal framework. However, the research also shows that teachers as a collective group became capable of resisting dominant ideologies, especially during the post-1984 period. Progressive teacher organisations, fuelled by the labour movement and African nationalism convicted many conservative teacher bodies to eschew ethnicity and agitate for a unified, democratic non-racial, non-sexist State with a single Ministry of Education. This period saw an escalation in the struggles of resistance by teacher organisations against a newly established Tri-cameral parliamentary system. These empowered members effectively resisted the increasing bureaucratisation and political interference in education through which the State sought to control teachers. The study offers a new way of perceiving teacher organisations as they become involved in long term struggles of transformation which incorporates the reconstruction of a post-apartheid society. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (History of Education)