Zugl.: Greifswald, Universiẗat, Diss., 2006.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University, 1959. / Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

The present thesis deals with the Namibian liberation struggle against the South African regime, by focusing on the relationship of solidarity between SWAPO and East Germany. It provides an original perspective of the German-Namibian history between 1978-1990, by using the life stories of Lucia Engombe and Stefanie Lahya Aukongo. They are Namibian women who, according to the pact of solidarity, lived on the brink between Namibia and East Germany, becoming in this way witnesses of the historical upheavals that have changed the global order. Then, this thesis makes use of Child No. 95. My German-African Odyssey – the autobiography of Lucia Engombe – and Kalungas Kind: meine unglaubliche Reise uns Leben – the autobiography of Stefanie Layha Aukongo – as sources to investigate the complexities of that period. The global lives of Lucia Engombe and Stefanie Lahya Aukongo allow the combination of macro and micro history and bring out new facets, which otherwise would remain in the shadow. Through the deconstruction of their life narratives, in fact, the big narrative of the global history become fraught with new meanings, bringing out the power of microhistories. This thesis shows how individual autobiographies can be meaningful to history, and how global history can be reconciled with micro-history through the story of global lives, which provide new and unprecedented points of view.

This thesis examines relations between Wales and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) during the Cold War period of 1949 to 1990. Previous studies have investigated who in Britain interacted with the GDR and their motivations for doing so. The appeal of particular groups and demographics to the GDR authorities - in pursuit of foreign policy objectives - are also well documented. This study is driven by two research questions: i) the identity and motivations of Welsh individuals or organisations approaching and engaging with the GDR and considering to what extent their ‘Welsh identity’ influenced their positioning vis-à-vis the GDR and the Cold War; ii) the extent of Welsh acceptance of any overtures made by a socialist state, including the likely resonance of the GDR’s self-promotion as an anti-fascist, egalitarian state, which sought to protect and develop the rights of its own Sorbian minority culture. The research approach adopted for the thesis has considered how multiple projections of ‘Welshness’ influenced the expression of, and thus the GDR’s perception and understanding of Welsh identity. The findings from this research suggest that the most intriguing and recurrent interactions between Wales and the GDR occurred as a result of concerns for the status of the Welsh language during the Cold War period, encouraged by the GDR’s domestic policy for its own Sorbian minority. This study thus contributes a further category of Welsh-speakers to those identified in the existing scholarship as having interacted with the GDR. Notwithstanding Welsh-Sorbian interactions, this research also determines that other facets of Welsh life sought to engage with the GDR, including representatives of the friendship movement, the Welsh proletariat and left-leaning politicians who believed that establishing relations with the GDR would facilitate détente and peaceful co-existence. Existing assumptions in the field are further strengthened by this thesis’ findings, including the GDR’s methods and approaches for cultivating relationships with the West. Varying projections of Welsh identity prompted different (and often confused and inappropriate) responses from the GDR authorities. By evaluating a range of Welsh-GDR interactions throughout the Cold War period, the findings of this research contribute an alternative Welsh narrative to the field of British-GDR relations.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:19:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GuerraHernandez_HectorRolando_D.pdf: 22692622 bytes, checksum: 8e4246b21935840c62314f42cdd89ba7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O objectivo deste trabalho, foi o estudo de um grupo social formado essencialmente pelos antigos trabalhadores mozambiqueños na desaparecida República Democrática Alemã, conhecidos atualmente como "Magermane". Procurou-se estabelecer linhas de continuidade e ruptura entre o passado transnacional deste colectivo como migrantes trabalhistas e seu presente como grupo reivindicativo obliterado pelas esferas do poder, o qual leva 20 anos lutando por seu reconhecimento econômico e social em Moçambique. Este país africano, com uma história de ocupação colonial efetiva de não mais de 70 anos, depois de sua independência de Portugal em 1975, se transformou numa República independente, assumindo um projeto de desenvolvimento que a transformaria, entre 1977 e 1987, numa espécie de nova colônia dos países socialistas do chamado "Segundo Mundo", e posteriormente, com o fim da guerra fria e a queda do Muro de Berlim, tornar-se-ia numa depositaria dos novos postulados neoliberais. Estes antecedentes históricos são cruciais para o entendimento dos processos que intervieram na produção do Estado pós-colonial atual. Um processo que transparenta aquilo que constitui um dos fundamentos das "narrativas de injustiça" Magermane, e que consistem em denunciar uma realidade social que se sustenta e reproduz a partir da presença e persistência de um Estado contra sua sociedade, o qual recrear uma estrutura social conhecida, que situa na ponta de sua hierarquia uma elite empresarial patrimonialista. Uma estrutura que parece contemporizar com as percepções e representações de formas de dominação passadas, entendidas como superadas. Uma estrutura, finalmente, que se alimenta e reproduz de sua população, à qual persiste em tratar como súbditos / Abstract: The aim of this work, went the study of a social group formed essentially by the ancient Mozambican workers in the missing German Democratic Republic, known at present like "Magermane". It looked for establish lines of continuity and breaking-off between the transnational past of this community as labour migrants and his present as a obliterate vindicate group by the spheres of the power, which carries 20 years struggling by his economic and social recognition in Mozambique. This African country, with a history of effective colonial occupation of no more than 70 years, after his independence of Portugal in 1975, transformed in an independent Republic, assuming a project of development that would transform it, between 1977 and 1987, in a species of new colony of the socialist countries of the called "Second World", and later, with the end of the cold war and the fall of the Wall of Berlin, it would became in a depository of the new neoliberals postulates. These historical antecedents are crucial for the understanding of the processes that took part in the production of the current postcolonial State. A process that show what constitutes one of the foundations of the Magermane's "narratives of injustice", which consist in reporting a social reality that sustains and reproduces from the presence and persistence of a State against his society, which recreate a well-known social structure, that situates in the top of his hierarchy a patrimonialist business elite. A structure that seems to be accommodating toward to the perceptions and representations of old forms of domination, understood as surpassed. A structure, finally, that feeds and reproduces of his population, to which persists in treating like tributary subject / Doutorado / Antropologia / Doutor em Antropologia

The generic term national cinema implies that, viewed in their totality, the films of a country promote notions of collective and cultural identity. Most studies of post-war German cinema, however, focus exclusively on the former Federal Republic of Germany and concentrate on issues of authorship and the influence of literature on film rather than examining East and West German films in relation to the antagonistically opposed social systems in which they were produced. Thus, under the title The split screen: Cinema and national identity in a divided Germany (1979-89), a comparative analysis is undertaken of the political, economic and ideological determinants shaping East and West German feature films during the so-called established phase of the two states between 1979 and 1989. The overall framework of the study is a discussion of German film culture within the climate of post-war ideological conflict, covering three main objectives. The first part of the thesis provides a theoretical framework for comparing the two German film cultures on an abstract ideological level. The second part of the project analyses the extent to which, during the eighties, the political systems of the FRG and GDR shaped production, distribution and exhibition in order to establish a particular type of film culture. The breadth of reference thus provided is combined with greater analytic depth in the third part of the project, where the goal is to investigate in greater detail how political, economic and cultural debates surrounding the question of an East and West German identity were translated into filmic discourse. Based on such a relational perspective, the thesis comes to three major conclusions. First of all, there was a greater interaction or confrontation between the two German film cultures with regard to their dissemination of a distinct national identity than it has commonly been assumed. Secondly, there were recurring cycles of liberalism and orthodoxy in the film policies of the two states - which can be linked to varying degrees of internal stability and external confrontation. And thirdly, the 'officially approved' and promoted films constituted an artificially created high culture mainly produced for an international market and hardly ever finding wide-spread public support among the German audience. Thus, an all-German film culture between 1979 and 1989 can be perceived, metaphorically, as a 'split screen': an imaginary space which projects, through its polarised division, the search of the divided German nation for a specific national-historical identity during a period which later proved to be the concluding phase of the Cold War.

Plenzdorf's works, one written before the fall of socialism in the German Democratic Republic (hereafter referred to as the DDR), and one after, portray relationships between fathers and sons, which act as a metaphor to express a personal perspective of the state, revealing that the DDR was neither as repressive or as omnipresent for the average citizen as outsiders are often given to believe. The father, or Übervater, a figure deeply rooted in the German consciousness, is represented by the state and proves itself as an entity which gives the protagonists in both works little notice, despite their best efforts to seek out a paternalistic presence.

Der Beitrag untersucht anhand der Verfassungen, inwieweit die Institutionenpolitik in Ostdeutschland mit der Einführung der Institutionen abgeschlossen war. Er zeigt, dass die Verfassungen häufig geändert wurden, gibt einen Überblick über die ähnlichen Materien und Gründe dieser Änderungen sowie über die Verfassungsdynamik jenseits des Verfassungstextes. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass die Verfassungspolitik und Verfassungsauslegung in den neuen Ländern Integrationsdefizite der Bundesebene kompensieren kann und sondiert die Mechanismen dieses Ausgleichs. Da die Einbettung in den bundesdeutschen Föderalismus ihre Risiken abmildert, könnten die Freiräume für integrationsförderliche politisch-institutionelle Experimente stärker genutzt werden.

Seit Ende der sechziger Jahre wird mit unterschiedlicher Intensität auf die Innovationskrise und auf den Rückgang der Investitionstätigkeit deutscher Unternehmen hingewiesen. Zur Zeit wird dieses Thema vor allem im Zusammenhang mit der abnehmenden Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der deutschen Unternehmen im internationalen Vergleich wieder intensiv diskutiert. Mangelnde Innovationen und daraus resultierende Investitionslücken führen danach nicht nur zu einem verringerten Wirtschaftswachstum, sondern erschweren darüber hinaus auch den noch immer nicht vollständig bewältigten Strukturwandel. Dabei scheinen Innovationen und Investitionen auch für die neuen Bundesländer von besonderer Bedeutung zu sein, wenn sie ihren Anschluß an die internationale Wettbewerbssituation bewältigen wollen. Die vorliegende Untersuchung fragt auf der Basis des Risk-/Return- Paradoxon, ob sich das Innovationsverhalten in den neuen Bundesländern von dem in den alten Bundesländern unterscheidet.

Even after 10 years, countries under transition are still on their way to becoming developed, internationally competitive countries. At this stage it is helpful for business cooperation to know whether managers in countries undergoing transition are behaving like socialists or Western managers, or somewhere in between. Many joint ventures and other alliances between Western companies and companies in countries in transition are seeking to establish new markets with new products or new technologies (i.e., new processes). They are risky because the returns are uncertain. Understanding the risk attitudes of managers in countries in transition can explain different investment behavior and provide vital information for installing the right incentives. This study compares the risk attitudes of Chinese, eastern, and western German managers. Chinese managers'' risk attitudes seem to be more similar to the attitudes of western German managers than to those of their counterparts in eastern Germany. Some of the reasons and consequences are discussed in this article.