This thesis is a comparative, data-based analysis of the labour market experiences of the Italian and Jewish populations of Toronto at the end of the 1970s, beginning of the 1980s. It also provides historical and empirical information on the emergence and development of ethnic enclaves, and assesses whether such distinct enclave economies constitute channels for upward mobility for the Italian and Jewish individuals who participate in them. / The historical findings provide evidence for the distinctiveness of an enclave labour market within these two ethnic communities. The empirical evidence reveals however, that participation in the enclave economies is quite low for Toronto's Jewish and Italian communities. The evidence does not indicate that participation in the enclave is associated with either economic benefits or losses. However, informal networks and ethnic ties have strong positive effects on enclavic participation.

<p>The EPA&rsquo / s will have an impact on regional integration in Africa, especially in the SADC region. The region has been split between the SADC and ESA EPA configuration therefore impacting on regional integration objectives set out under the SADC Trade Protocol.The EPA&rsquo / s will be concluded separately with six of the sub groupings under the ACP grouping. With the EU-SADC EPA negotiations has come a problem of overlapping of membership of the different regions which has created confusion and conflicts. Members of Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) did not all enter into the EU-SADC EPA has one. The EU-SADC EPA configuration consists of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and Tanzania. The rest of the SADC member states are negotiating with the EU-ESA configuration. With South Africa having been allowed into the negotiations, its role should be examined and what it can contribute to the negotiations. Another conflict that has been created is the fact that South Africa has its own bilateral agreement with the EU thus putting stain on the trade relationship between South African and the rest of the SADC countries.</p>

<p>The tri-partite initiative in and for Africa has been accompanied by high levels of optimism since its political endorsement in 2008. It provides for an opportunity to resolve a host of problems with regards to regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The overall aim of this study is to explore the prospects and challenges towards realising the Tri-partite Free Trade Area&nbsp / (T-FTA) in and for Africa. This study is pragmatic and implicitly seeks to uncover how the T-FTA could contribute to the African Regional Integration Project (ARIP), given the challenges that&nbsp / regional integration face in Africa. Regional integration has a long and rich history in Africa, which started at thehave been weak since the start and persist in its superficial nature with littledevelopmental impact. The reasons for the lack of meaningful integration in Africa are wide-ranging and span national, regional and system level analytical viewpoints. They encompass&nbsp / areas such as developmental levels, political will, respect for regional architecture, overlapping membership and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). These factors impact on the&nbsp / integration process in Africa and explain in varied ways why there has been little comprehensive economic integration. The starting point was to define the complex concept of regional integration. The dominant factors that define and affect regional integration in this study are that it is a state-based exercise, driven by economic integration, and influenced by the global political economy of the day. It was determined that Africa has adapted its regional integration strategies according to the shifts and influences in the global political economy on states,&nbsp / emanating from the post WWII period to the present day. The mpact of the global economy on Africa since independence was great and is viewed impact on the integration process. Regional integration is essentially a state to state&nbsp / pursuit for integration. Essentially, regional integration is being pursued by states that are still struggling to consolidate statehood, and this leaves little space to move towards a regional approach. However, given the dynamics of a globalised world, regional integration as a strategy is no longer questioned in Africa and is an important component of its developmental agenda. Clarifying the T-FTA was important, and this was done in order to highlight what the tri-partite initiative is and is not. This provided for an opportunity to&nbsp / investigate what the dominant areas are that have informed the emergence of the tri-partite process. The former was found to be largely economic in nature, focusing on harmonising the trade&nbsp / regimes of COMESA, EAC and SADC as a primary motivation. The tri-partite initiative will facilitate and encourage the harmonisation of trade regimes by stressing market integration,&nbsp / infrastructure development and industrialisation, coupled by a developmental approach. This is promising, as the tri-partite initiative seeks to simultaneously deal with many issues that have&nbsp / been commonly associated with the problems that regional integration face in Africa. When viewing the negotiating context, as well as the principles upon which it is to be based, indicate though, that Africa still favours individual state interest that will be hard to reconcile given that the tri-partite region currently has 26 participant states. In terms of economic integration, the T-FTA&nbsp / seeks to put new generation trade issues on the agenda by including services, movement of persons as well as trade facilitation, all of which have been found to be important in realising a&nbsp / trade in goods agenda that is the focus of regional integration in Africa. Analysing the grassroots realities of the market integration pillar offered some valuable insights towards the purposes&nbsp / of this study. The market integration pillar is inundated with challenges, with Rules of Origin (RoO) being the primary challenge towards consolidating the trade in goods agenda on a tri-partite&nbsp / level. New generation trade issues are going to be equally difficult to realise, given that they have no implementation record in the individual Regional Economic Communities (RECs). Promising though is that trade facilitation has already seen positive results by resolving non tariff barriers in the regions.Infrastructure development is equally challenging, although it provides&nbsp / a significant opportunity to create better connectivity (physical integration) between states. In lot of pan-African goals that directly feed into initiatives of the African Union (AU) pillar has not as yet created any concrete tri-partite plans, so it remains to be seen what can be achieved. Ideally, industrialisation is viewed as the pillar that will solve the supply-side constraints of African&nbsp / economies hence, strengthening the trade in goods agenda in the regions. Even though the T-FTA has practical challenges to implementation, there are at least two underlying factors that&nbsp / indirectly affect the prospects of realising the tripartite initiative. The EPAs are an emergent threat in that they run parallel to tripartite negotiations / and respect for a rules based integration process, are issues that warrant consideration. Fundamentally, in order to achieve a successful T-FTA will require a shift in the way business is done in African integration. African states need&nbsp / to realise that their national interests are best served through cooperation, in meaningful ways. Inevitably this requires good faith as well as ceding some sovereignty towards regional goals. Thus, there is a risk that the T-FTA not realised. The fundamentals of political will, economic polarisation and instability have to be resolved. This will lay an appropriate foundation for the&nbsp / tripartite initiative to be sustainable, with developmental impact. </p>

Syftet är att undersöka om Sverige tillsammans med ett eller flera av de nordiska länderna kan utgöra en optimal valutaunion. Utifrån ett svenskt perspektiv visar resultaten att det är lämpligast för Sverige att ingå i en valutaunion med Norge och Danmark eftersom den ekonomiska integrationen mellan dessa länder har varit störst. Taylors ränteregel visar att Sverige och Norges räntebanor samvarier mest och Optimal currency area-index (OCA-index) visar att Sverige, Danmark och Norge präglas av störst ekonomisk integration. Vi har använt två olika metoder för att undersöka en optimal nordisk valutaunion utifrån ett svenskt perspektiv, OCA-index och Taylors ränteregel. De båda tillvägagångssätten fokuserar på hur ekonomiskt integrerade länderna är, men genom olika variabler och ekonomiska storheter. Ett OCA-index har skapats och skattningen visar att variabeln som beskriver konjunkturcykeln är den som har störst inverkan på den beroende variabeln, växelkursvolatilitet. För att undersöka hur de nordiska länderna har påverkats av chocker har taylor-räntor beräknats och skillnader i korrelation har analyserats. Analysen visar på svårigheter i att mäta ekonomisk integration, något som OCA-teorin hävdar är viktigt för en optimal valutaunion. Beroende på vilken utgångspunkt som väljs varierar resultatet för vilket land Sverige skulle kunna bilda en optimal valutaunion med. Resultaten skiljer sig från tidigare forskning, delvis i tolkningen av variabeln för exportsektorsammansättning och delvis på grund av den studerade tidsperioden. / The aim is to investigate if Sweden constitutes a possible optimal currency area with one or more of the Nordic countries. The results show that Norway and Denmark are the two most suitable partners to join Sweden in a currency union since the economic integration between these countries is the strongest. The Taylor interest rate rule indicates that the interest rate paths between Sweden and Norway correlate the most. The variables in the optimal currency area-index (OCA-index) show that it is Sweden, Denmark and Norway that enjoys the strongest economic integration and therefore constitutes a possible optimal currency area. Two different methods have been used to investigate the possibility of an optimal currency area; the OCA-index and the Taylor interest rate rule. Both methods focus on the level of economic integration between the countries but do this by assessing different economic variables. The OCA-index has been compiled and the estimation indicates that the variable describing the business cycle has the greatest impact on the dependent variable, exchange rate volatility. In order to examine how the Nordic countries have been affected by shocks, Taylor interest rates have been calculated and differences in correlation have been examined. The conducted analysis points toward difficulties measuring economic integration, which according to the OCA-theory is important for an optimal currency union. There are several consistencies between the results of the two methods but also important differences such as which country would be the best partner in a currency union with Sweden. The findings differ from earlier scientific results mostly regarding the interpretation of the variable describing the export sectorial composition and the considered time period.

本文主要是探討科技移轉對整合參與國的長期經濟成長率的影響，因為南北整合(North：已開發工業國家；South：開發中國家)的趨勢慢慢形成，不再像過去僅專注在已開發國家間的整合或開發中國家間的整合，故本文探討的主體是兩個不對稱經濟體，想要了解在區域整合後，藉由科技移轉的方式，將已開發國家的科技移轉給開發中國家會如何影響兩個整合參與國的長期經濟成長率。 由過去的文獻探討中發現，大部份探討經濟實力不對稱的兩國區域整合文章大都沒有明確指出國與國間的科技移轉的途徑為何，而是假定科技知識為公共財，當兩國進行經濟整合後，就能夠自由運用整合區域內的科技知識。因此，本研究的目的在於延用Anusua and Hamid (2003)設定科技移轉的概念，加入Jones (1995)的”Non-Scale R&D Growth Model”，建構南北兩國貿易模型(North-South Model)，藉此探討若將Jones Model (1995)放入科技移轉(technology diffusion)和科技模仿的南北兩國貿易模型(North-South Model)中，同樣可排除掉Romer Model (1990)中的「Scale Effect」，並保有Anusua and Hamid (2003)模型中部份有趣的結果。

Magister Legum - LLM

Mercantile Law / LL. D.

The purpose of the dissertation is to establish a framework with which to assess the prospective gains from regional monetary integration among five neighboring countries in East Africa: Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. The neo-classical theory assumes that economic and monetary union would stimulate additional growth in such a union as a whole, with the trickle-down effects of overall development, and would enhance factor mobility, solving the problem of regional disparity automatically. Past experiences of African regionalism have shown that countries that participated in a monetary union were able to pursue credible monetary policies. This economic performance has been credited to their monetary policy discipline. Since countries in East Africa are small both in terms of their individual populations and the respective sizes of their economies, the study concludes that regional integration is a useful way of increasing their economic clout and bargaining power on the global scene. / Economics / Thesis (M. Comm.)

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-04-16Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:34:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 padua_as_me_fran.pdf: 677222 bytes, checksum: 0cbab8752cc046774aa4d321a75e4965 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A integração regional é um sonho perseguido na América Latina desde o período da independência de seus países. Durante o século XX, inúmeras tentativas foram feitas, cada qual com culturas políticas de integração diferenciadas, visando alcançar esse objetivo, mas com poucos resultados concretos. Já no século XXI, dois projetos de integração regional ganham destaque: a União das Nações Sul-americanas (UNASUL) e a Aliança Bolivariana para os povos de nossa América – Tratado de Comércio dos Povos (ALBA-TCP), liderados respectivamente por Brasil e Venezuela. Estes blocos, de cunho eminentemente político, têm se apresentado como uma alternativa às propostas de integração de viés econômico, mais especificamente, à proposta dos Estados Unidos, consubstanciada na Área de Livre Comércio das Américas (ALCA). O objetivo desse projeto, que resultou de iniciação científica apoiada pelo Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), foi analisar o comportamento político da UNASUL e da ALBA-TCP, com especial atenção para seus países líderes, bem como dos Estados Unidos, país que teve seus interesses diretamente afetados pela recusa dos países latino-americanos em participar de sua proposta de integração consubstanciada na ALCA e pelas constituições desses dois novos blocos sub-regionais. Atenção especial será dada à política de defesa comum proposta pelo mandatário venezuelano Hugo Chávez a ser implementada no âmbito da ALBA-TCP. Para tanto, foram analisados os tratados constitutivos e as declarações das reuniões desses blocos a fim de identificar os valores e preceitos que nortearam sua formação e a evolução dos processo de integração e fazem deles culturas políticas de integração peculiares. Tentou-se ainda mapear as “forças profundas” que agem nesses processos de integração a fim de verificar as causas de sua não consecução de forma integral / Regional integration is a dream pursued in Latin America since the period of the independence of their countries. During the twentieth century, numerous attempts were made, each one with different political cultures of integration in order to achieve this goal, but with few concrete results. In the twenty-first century, two regional integration projects are highlighted: the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Bolivarian Alternative for the peoples of our America - the People's Trade Treaty (ALBA-TCP), led respectively by Brazil and Venezuela . These blocks, eminently political, are presented as an alternative to the proposed economical integration, more specifically, the U.S. proposal, embodied in the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). The objective of this project, which resulted from undergraduates supported by the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), was to analyze the political behavior of UNASUR and ALBA-TCP, with special attention to their countries leaders as well as the United States, country that had their interests directly affected by the refusal of Latin American countries to participate in its proposed FTAA and integration embodied in the constitutions of these two new sub-regional blocks. Special attention will be given to the common defense policy proposed by Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez to be implemented within the framework of ALBA-TCP. This way, we analyzed the constitutive treaties and declarations of the meetings of these blocks in order to identify the values and principles that guided its formation and evolution of the integration process and make them peculiar political cultures of integration. It also tried to map the deep forces that act on these processes of integration in order to fully ascertain the causes of their failure to achieve that goal

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Janina Onuki / Banca: Alberto Ággio / Resumo: A integração regional é um sonho perseguido na América Latina desde o período da independência de seus países. Durante o século XX, inúmeras tentativas foram feitas, cada qual com culturas políticas de integração diferenciadas, visando alcançar esse objetivo, mas com poucos resultados concretos. Já no século XXI, dois projetos de integração regional ganham destaque: a União das Nações Sul-americanas (UNASUL) e a Aliança Bolivariana para os povos de nossa América - Tratado de Comércio dos Povos (ALBA-TCP), liderados respectivamente por Brasil e Venezuela. Estes blocos, de cunho eminentemente político, têm se apresentado como uma alternativa às propostas de integração de viés econômico, mais especificamente, à proposta dos Estados Unidos, consubstanciada na Área de Livre Comércio das Américas (ALCA). O objetivo desse projeto, que resultou de iniciação científica apoiada pelo Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), foi analisar o comportamento político da UNASUL e da ALBA-TCP, com especial atenção para seus países líderes, bem como dos Estados Unidos, país que teve seus interesses diretamente afetados pela recusa dos países latino-americanos em participar de sua proposta de integração consubstanciada na ALCA e pelas constituições desses dois novos blocos sub-regionais. Atenção especial será dada à política de defesa comum proposta pelo mandatário venezuelano Hugo Chávez a ser implementada no âmbito da ALBA-TCP. Para tanto, foram analisados os tratados constitutivos e as declarações das reuniões desses blocos a fim de identificar os valores e preceitos que nortearam sua formação e a evolução dos processo de integração e fazem deles culturas políticas de integração peculiares. Tentou-se ainda mapear as "forças profundas" que agem nesses processos de integração a fim de verificar as causas de sua não consecução de forma integral / Abstract: Regional integration is a dream pursued in Latin America since the period of the independence of their countries. During the twentieth century, numerous attempts were made, each one with different political cultures of integration in order to achieve this goal, but with few concrete results. In the twenty-first century, two regional integration projects are highlighted: the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Bolivarian Alternative for the peoples of our America - the People's Trade Treaty (ALBA-TCP), led respectively by Brazil and Venezuela . These blocks, eminently political, are presented as an alternative to the proposed economical integration, more specifically, the U.S. proposal, embodied in the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). The objective of this project, which resulted from undergraduates supported by the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), was to analyze the political behavior of UNASUR and ALBA-TCP, with special attention to their countries leaders as well as the United States, country that had their interests directly affected by the refusal of Latin American countries to participate in its proposed FTAA and integration embodied in the constitutions of these two new sub-regional blocks. Special attention will be given to the common defense policy proposed by Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez to be implemented within the framework of ALBA-TCP. This way, we analyzed the constitutive treaties and declarations of the meetings of these blocks in order to identify the values and principles that guided its formation and evolution of the integration process and make them peculiar political cultures of integration. It also tried to map the deep forces that act on these processes of integration in order to fully ascertain the causes of their failure to achieve that goal / Mestre