"After their independence, African countries undertook to establish sub-regional organisations in order to join their efforts towards improving the living standard of their populations. Primarily vested with economic objectives, these sub-regional organisations, aware that economic development cannot be attained withouth peace, security and political stability, are more and more involved with political issues, especially since the 'democratic wind' of the early 1990s. It is therefore interesting to study how sub-regional integration as an external factor affects democracy domestically, that is to contemplate to what extent this sub-regional integration is contributing to the strengthening of democracy in Africa, and to research ways of enhancing this contribution. ... The study is structured into four main chapters. The introductory chapter contains the research design. The second chapter is devoted to an overview of sub-regional integration. It examines the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), but without losing sight of other groupings. The third chapter analyses the way the ECOWAS is dealing with the issue of democratic consolidation. It is interested in the question of whether the ECOWAS has an express policy and whether it has set standards as regards democratic consolidation in West Africa and, if so, how effective this policy and these standards have been so far. The fourth chapter is devoted to summary, conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This paper aims at contributing to the debate about Japan’s leadership capabilities. Lately, scholars from all around the world have referred to Japan as the “new leader of free trade”. This comes as a surprise, as the country has always been the archetype of a passive and mercantilist state. Therefore, what role is Japan playing in contemporary free trade agreements? What leadership style, if any, is the country exercising? What changes has Japanese leadership experienced in the last decades? Testing theories of this kind is challenging because there is limited information on the topic and most of it is only available in the language of the country in matter. Drawing on a case study based on the role of Japan in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and analyzing it from Young’s framework on political leadership, this article concludes that Japan is exercising a leadership role in contemporary FTAs.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Migration is an important topic, not only for researchers in South Africa, but also for policymakers and the media. It is an issue at the top of the national and international agenda. In the debate on migration and the literature, voices of migrants themselves remain mostly unheard. The public perceptions and policy-making are often based on fear, stereotypes and common myths rather than reality. In this study, the researcher aimed to examine the socio-economic integration challenges of highly-skilled Nigerian migrants and how they may help contribute their skills towards the socioeconomic development of South Africa to potentially inform the national migration policy, as well as future research. Methodologically, the researcher conducted a mixed-method study using an interpretive paradigm. Data were derived from 22 semi-structured interviews and six in-depth interviews. The study used a combination of purposive and snowballing sampling techniques, where semi-structured and in-depth interviews, as well as observations, were also carried out. Data gathered were analysed using thematic analysis.

Motivation of virtually all regional economic integration (REI) initiatives has been prospect of enhanced economic growth. Although REI's role in contributing to growth and development was recognised and acknowledged, its importance in Africa has never been properly outlined. Theoretical background, economic assumptions and evidence of REI are examined to bring out REI's importance to Africa. Depicting from these, benefits and challenges of REI in Africa are explored. This dissertation analyses the progress, pace, approach, sequence of REI in Africa looking at different variables. Africa's regional integration blueprint and institutional framework are compared to EU's but selected areas are identified as essential for Africa. Progress on REI has been found to be slow. This study concludes that REI should be viewed as one aspect of strategy towards Africa's development and growth. However, the benefits of REI make it imperative for it to remain the central pillar of Africa's development agenda. / Economics / M.Com. (Economics)

Motivation of virtually all regional economic integration (REI) initiatives has been prospect of enhanced economic growth. Although REI's role in contributing to growth and development was recognised and acknowledged, its importance in Africa has never been properly outlined. Theoretical background, economic assumptions and evidence of REI are examined to bring out REI's importance to Africa. Depicting from these, benefits and challenges of REI in Africa are explored. This dissertation analyses the progress, pace, approach, sequence of REI in Africa looking at different variables. Africa's regional integration blueprint and institutional framework are compared to EU's but selected areas are identified as essential for Africa. Progress on REI has been found to be slow. This study concludes that REI should be viewed as one aspect of strategy towards Africa's development and growth. However, the benefits of REI make it imperative for it to remain the central pillar of Africa's development agenda. / Economics / M.Com. (Economics)

The purpose of the dissertation is to establish a framework with which to assess the prospective gains from regional monetary integration among five neighboring countries in East Africa: Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. The neo-classical theory assumes that economic and monetary union would stimulate additional growth in such a union as a whole, with the trickle-down effects of overall development, and would enhance factor mobility, solving the problem of regional disparity automatically. Past experiences of African regionalism have shown that countries that participated in a monetary union were able to pursue credible monetary policies. This economic performance has been credited to their monetary policy discipline. Since countries in East Africa are small both in terms of their individual populations and the respective sizes of their economies, the study concludes that regional integration is a useful way of increasing their economic clout and bargaining power on the global scene. / Economics / Thesis (M. Comm.)

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The three East African countries of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda have a long history of economic co-operation, which at one time amounted close to political integration. Their present co-operation arrangement is known as the East African Community (the new East African Community), but is one that remains susceptible to failure if conscious and purposeful steps are not timely adopted to facilitate their integration. A number of reasons have been attributed to the failure and eventual demise of the old East African Community. These reasons include, the unequal distribution of gains and costs amongst the partner states, perceptions and impressions on reaching conclusions about the distribution of those gains and costs, the heavy internal and external debt burdens that the three countries experienced in different degrees, differing political ideologies amongst the political leaderships of the three countries, unwillingness to cede government authority to the Community, and the absence of sufficient possibilities for cost reduction shifts in the industrial sector amongst the three countries. The above meant that there was little chance for potential economies of scale. While the recognition of the value of past experiences forms an important aspect of a future strategy for the Community, prevailing and anticipated circumstances are more relevant. This study project seeks to establish the chances for the success or failure of the new East African Community by means of an analysis of the historical passage of East African co-operation, in particular the former official arrangement of 1967-1977 and scrutiny of the system underlying the present arrangement. The differences and similarities of the two systems are then extrapolated and the likely effects that those differences and similarities will impart upon the new East African Community are investigated. Finally, the ways and means identified as a possible easing of the shortcomings are advanced as recommendations. One outstanding development in the existence of the new East African Community so far has been the pursuance to establish an East African Federation in the shortest possible timeframe. In the new East African Community's formative treaty the objective of achieving a political federation is declared to be the ultimate objective. It would appear that the concept of "shortest possible time" was partly interpreted by those mandated to explore the possibilities as relating to the timeframe during which the existing political leadership would still be functioning. The study has, however, concluded that the fast tracking of the political federation is one of the possible serious threats to the sustainability and longevity of the new East African Community. Likewise, membership of other regional integration arrangements by the partner states of the Community - without a concrete formally agreed common mechanism to deal with the ensuing conflicts of interest - is considered to be a weakness. The study recommends a number of preconditions necessary for the smooth transition to a political federation that would not compromise the positive prospects of the Community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die drie Oos-Afrikalande Kenia, Tanzanië en Uganda het 'n lang geskiedenis van ekonomiese samewerking wat op 'n stadium feitlik op politieke integrasie neergekom het. Hulle huidige integrasiereëling staan as die Oos- Afrikagemeenskap (die Gemeenskap) bekend, maar dit bly vatbaar vir mislukking indien bewuste en doelgerigte stappe nie betyds gedoen word om hulle integrasie te bevorder nie. 'n Aantal redes is aangevoer vir die mislukking en uiteindelike verval van die ou Oos-Afrikagemeenskap. Hierdie redes sluit onder andere in die oneweredige verspreiding van winste en kostes tussen die vennootskapslande, persepsies en indrukke oor besluite rakende die verdeling van genoemde winste en kostes, die kwaai binne- en buitelandse skuldlaste wat die drie lande in wisselende mate ervaar het, verskillende politieke ideologieë tussen die politieke leierskappe van die drie lande, 'n onwilligheid om regeringsgesag na die Gemeenskap oor te dra en die afwesigheid van genoegsame moontlikhede vir kosteverminderingstappe in d ie nywerheidsektor tussen die drie lande. Die bovermelde het beteken dat daar min geleentheid vir potensiële groot ekonomieë was. Alhoewel die erkenning van die waarde van ervarings uit die verlede 'n belangrike aspek van 'n toekomstige strategie vir die Gemeenskap uitmaak, is heersende en verwagte omstandighede meer relevant. Hierdie studieprojek poog om by wyse van 'n analise van die historiese verloop van samewerking in Oos- Afrika en in die besonder van die vorige amptelike reëling tussen 1967 tot 1977 en 'n ondersoek van die stelsel wat die huidige reëling onderlê, vas te stel wat die kanse is op die sukses of mislukking van die nuwe Oos-Afrikagemeenskap. Die verskille en ooreenkomste tussen die twee stelsels word dan geëkstrapoleer en die verwagte gevolge wat daardie verskille en ooreenkomste op die nuwe Oos-Afrikagemeenskap gaan uitoefen, word ondersoek. Laastens word die middele wat geïdentifiseer is as 'n moontlike verligting van die tekortkominge, as aanbevelings voorgehou. Een van die opvallende ontwikkelings in die nuwe Oos-Afrikagemeenskap is die nastrewing van die doel om 'n Oos-Afrikafederasie binne die kortste moontlike tyd tot stand te bring. In die Gemeenskap se stigtingsooreenkoms is gekonstateer dat die uiteindelike doelwit die bereiking van 'n politieke federasie is. Dit wil voorkom asof die konsep "die kortste moontlike tyd" gedeeltelik só geïnterpreteer is dat dit na die tydsraamwerk verwys waartydens die huidige politieke leierskap steeds die leisels sou hou. Die studie het egter tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die vinnige pas vir die totstandkoming van die politieke federasie een van die moontlike ernstige bedreigings vir die volhoubaarheid en langdurige voortbestaan van die nuwe Oos-Afrikagemeenskap is. Op soortgelyke wyse word lidstate van die Gemeenskap se lidmaatskap van ander streeksreëlings - sonder die bestaan van 'n konkrete formeelooreengekome gesamentlike meganisme om aandag te skenk aan voortspruitende belangekonflikte - as 'n swakheid beskou. Die studie beveel 'n aantal voorwaardes aan wat noodsaaklik is vir die gladde oorgang na 'n politieke federasie wat nie die positiewe vooruitsigte van die Gemeenskap in die gedrang sal bring nie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the regional arm of the United Nations in Africa, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) is faced with the challenge of conforming to the broader agenda of its mother body while it simultaneously strives to be seen to devise solutions that are unique to Africa's development needs. This means that the ECA needs to find a way of striking a balance between the demands of international development trends and the viability of such trends for Africa. The United Nations, similarly to other influential multilateral institutions like the World Bank, has moved into the 21st century with the 'partnerships approach' to development. The central idea behind these partnerships is that of promoting active participation between the state, the private sector and civil society in contributing towards development. What this means, therefore, is that development is no longer viewed as the sole responsibility of the state, but rather calls for a closer working relationship between these three sectors. Given the fact that these sectors are at different levels of development in many African countries, with some countries not even having an active civil society, private sector or even a strong state, the ECA has to make sense of what exactly partnerships mean for Africa. This study is based on an understanding that if the ECA wishes to have an impact on the African continent, it will have to engage its Member States in order to develop a common idea and approach to the conceptualisation and implementation of partnerships in Africa. In light of this background, this study focuses on South Africa as a Member State of the ECA and one of a few countries that have a strong civil society and developed private sector. What is also significant about South Africa is the fact that a number of significant initiatives that involve both state and non-state actors have been evident in the period since the first democratic elections of 1994, thus allowing for an informed response from representatives of the different sectors. A South African response has thus been compiled from the six interviews that were conducted, two with representatives from each of the three sectors. Following from the responses, the study makes recommendations as to how the ECA can playa leading role in promoting partnerships in Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigde Nasies se Ekonomiese Kommissie vir Afrika (EKA), 'n streeksvertakking van die Verenigde Nasies in Afrika, staan gedurig voor die uitdaging om te konformeer met die breër agenda van die moederorganisasie, maar streef terselfdertyd daarna om spesifieke antwoorde te vind vir Afrika se unieke ontwikkelingsbehoeftes. Dit beteken dat die EKA 'n middeweg tussen die eise van internasionale ontwikkelingstendense en die toepaslikheid daarvan in Afrika moet vind. Net soos die Wêreldbank en ander invloedryke internasionale instansies, is die Verenigde Nasies se benadering tot ontwikkeling in die een en twintigste eeu geskoei op 'n vennootskapsbasis. Die onderliggende oogmerk van dié benadering is die aanmoediging van aktiewe bydraes tot ontwikkeling deur die staat, privaatsektor en burgerlike samelewing. Derhalwe beteken dit dat ontwikkeling nie meer gesien word as die uitsluitlike verantwoordelikheid van die staat nie, maar eerder as 'n funksie van samewerking tussen die drie bogenoemde sektore. Aangesien baie Afrika state hulself op verskillende vlakke van ontwikkeling bevind, tesame met die feit dat sommige nie oor 'n aktiewe burgerlike samelewing, private sektor, of selfs 'n sterk staat beskik nie, is dit die taak van die EKA om gestalte te gee aan die konsep van 'vennootskappe' binne 'n Afrika konteks. Hierdie studie gaan uit vanaf die standpunt dat die EKA alleenlik 'n impak sal hê as lidstate betrek word om 'n gemeenskaplike verstandhouding en benadering tot die konsepsualisering en implimentering van vennootskappe in Afrika te ontwikkel. In die lig van bogenoemde, fokus die studie op Suid-Afrika, as EKA lidstaat en een van 'n paar Afrika state met 'n sterk burgerlike samelewing en goed ontwikkelde privaatsektor. 'n Verdere belangrike dimensie in die geval van Suid-Afrika, is die aantal belangrike inisiatiewe wat gesamentlik tussen staats- en nie-staatsinstansies sedert 1994 aangepak is. Hierdie inisiatiewe het verseker dat verteenwoordigers van alle sektore 'n ingeligte benadering tot besluite rakende die ontwikkeling van die streek kon volg. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie projek is ses onderhoude gevoer - twee per sektor - ten einde 'n beter begrip te kry van die land se benadering tot vennootskappe in diens van ontwikkeling. As 'n uitvloeisel van hierdie studie, word 'n aantal aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe die EKA 'n leidende rol kan speel in die aanmoediging van vennootskappe in Afrika.

M.Comm. / The purpose of this study is to identify and investigate potential obstacles for local and international investors in the Maputo Development Corridor (MDC). This study focuses exclusively on the Maputo-Mpumalanga Corridor axis which could be considered as an important nucleus of the eastern region of Southern Africa. The possibility of cooperation concerning the Corridor offers both South Africa and Mozambique - who have until recently both experienced less than optimal international trade relations – the opportunity for enhanced competitiveness. The study therefor attempts to measure the perceptions of potential investors to identify obstacles regarding the process of regional economic integration involving the Map uto-Mp umalanga Corridor in attracting investments. After thorough evaluation of the potential investment sectors among the various role players it became clear that tourism is the sector with the largest potential for investment. Next are the transport and agricultural sectors which show great potential and then, to a lesser extent manufacturing projects. By putting emphasis on these sectors as investment opportunities in particular, will result in more concentrated and graduated progress. With reference to the fact that investment is taking place slowly or does not take place at all, it is obvious that the,re are certain obstacles in the way of investment. The response that has been obtained shows clearly that the different role players do not regard the same factors as obstacles. This mere fact is probably already the biggest obstacle of them all. The fact that international investors regard safety and security as well as bureaucracy in the public sector as the two biggest obstacles, is a serious cause for concern. It shows that overseas investors are not as yet convinced of South Africa's democracy and its new government. Taking all the role players' opinions into consideration, it can be said that the general obstacles in investment in the Corridor can mainly be identified as follows: Safety and security. Bureaucracy in the public sector. Labour problems (productivity and demands by trade unions). Quality of products from Mozambique. Unless both governments address the above-mentioned obstacles immediately, potential investors would continue to regard the Maputo Corridor as unfavourable to a certain extent. This study therefor provides a clear explanation of the most important sectors for investment. It also identifies the most important obstacles to investment in the Maputo-Mpumalanga Development Corridor. It should be seen as an introduction to further research, for a more in-depth investigation of each sector will provide more specific problems and opportunities.

Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU. The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed. The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.