Atualmente, há um debate acerca dos efeitos da aplicação de medidas antidumping entre as partes de um acordo regional de comércio. Discute-se que o emprego de tais instrumentos pode gerar um óbice ao livre comércio e ao avanço da integração econômica negociados em tais acordos. As regras do sistema multilateral de comércio determinam que direitos antidumping podem ser aplicados quando comprovada a existência de dumping, dano à indústria nacional e a relação causal entre estes. Entretanto, mesmo que haja regras sobre a condução de uma investigação antidumping e a aplicação da medida, ainda há muito espaço para a discricionariedade das autoridades nacionais investigadoras. Isso enseja a preocupação de que a aplicação desse instrumento pode conduzir a uma ineficácia dos objetivos de liberalização comercial negociados nos acordos regionais de comércio, além de neutralizar as concessões tarifárias feitas no âmbito desses acordos, em prol do protecionismo de uma indústria doméstica, muitas vezes, defasada e inapta à concorrência internacional. A presente dissertação pretende demonstrar que, à medida que o antidumping representa um potencial impacto negativo aos ideais dos acordos regionais de comércio, sua aplicação é antagônica com os objetivos desses acordos, inclusive no caso do MERCOSUL. Assim, as regras antidumping no âmbito do MERCOSUL deveriam ser repensadas, uma vez que a não aplicação de direitos antidumping no comércio intrarregional permitiria o avanço da integração econômica na região e representaria mais um passo rumo à consolidação da união aduaneira. / Currently, there is a debate about the effects of antidumping measures among members of regional trade agreements. It is argued that the use of such instrument can represent an obstacle to free trade and the deepening of economic integration. The rules of the multilateral trading system determines that antidumping duties may be applied when verified the existence of dumping, injury to the domestic industry of the importing country and causal relationship between them. However, even though there are rules governing the conduction of an antidumping investigation and the application of antidumping measures, there is still much room for discretion of investigating authorities. This gives rise to concern that the use of antidumping may lead to ineffectiveness of the goals of trade liberalization and neutralization of tariff concessions made under such agreements, in order to protect a domestic industry, usually outdated and unprepared to international competition. This thesis intends to demonstrate that, as antidumping represents a potential negative impact to the achievements of regional trade agreements, its application among members of a RTA is opposed to the goals of such agreements, including in the case of MERCOSUR. Thus, antidumping rules within MERCOSUR should be reconsidered, since the elimination of antidumping duties on intraregional trade would allow the deepening of the regional economic integration and represent a step towards the consolidation of the customs union.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-05-19T16:56:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Jaqueline Schünkel.pdf: 383791 bytes, checksum: 0602525c19522fffd30046631c611ac8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-19T16:56:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Jaqueline Schünkel.pdf: 383791 bytes, checksum: 0602525c19522fffd30046631c611ac8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-26 / UNISINOS - Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / Este estudo tem como objetivo avaliar os impactos da integração econômica entre Brasil e União Europeia e Brasil e BRICS sobre os setores da economia agregados por intensidade tecnológica, com destaque para o setor do tabaco, no período de 1991-2011. Para análise utilizou-se o modelo de equilíbrio geral computável, baseados nos dados da versão 6 do Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP). Com equilíbrio inicial no ano de 2001, se fez uma análise de 57 setores para os principais participantes do mercado de tabaco global, zerando as tarifas de importação em um acordo comercial do Brasil com a União Europeia e em seguida com o BRICS. Os resultados demonstraram que ambos cenários apresentam resultados semelhantes, porém com ainda mais intensidade na segunda simulação. Ambos aumentam a produção e as exportações dos produtos primários do Brasil, obtendo uma melhoria dos termos de troca e um aumento de bem-estar em detrimento da redução da produção dos produtos com maior intensidade tecnológica. No setor de tabaco, há um aumento da exportação em ambos cenários, com destaque para os BRICS. Os resultados fortalecem ainda mais a tendência de crescimento da reprimarização da pauta exportadora do país, reduzindo a produção dos produtos com maior intensidade tecnológica em ambos cenários. / This study analyses the bilateral trade between Brazil and the European Union and Brazil and BRICS in the period 1991-2001, examining the trade opportunities per sector according to its technological intensity, with special focus at tobacco market. It employs a computable general equilibrium model from the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP), with an initial equilibrium in 2001using 57 sectors and those major participants in tobacco trade, eliminating the import tariffs among Brazil and the European Union and the BRICS countries. The results show that both scenarios have similar outcomes, even more intensively for the second simulation. Production and exports of primary products rose in Brazil, resulting in increases in welfare. On the other hand, technology intensive products have decreasen its production and exports, deepen the recent process of primarization of Brazilian exports. For tobacco, there is also an increase of its exports, especially to BRICS. The results also show an increase in the process of reprimarization of Brazilian exports, reducing the production of those sectors with higher technological intensity in both scenarios.

Submitted by Patrícia Valim Labres de Freitas (patricial) on 2016-04-08T17:22:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jean Carlo Amann_.pdf: 783268 bytes, checksum: e13ec5fb61b1a4e2b7d1af35dfa9f918 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-08T17:22:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jean Carlo Amann_.pdf: 783268 bytes, checksum: e13ec5fb61b1a4e2b7d1af35dfa9f918 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-13 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação investiga a integração econômica no continente africano, tanto em sentido ex post, como ex ante. Em um primeiro momento, para investigar os efeitos econômico-comerciais de acordos regionais de comércio já estabelecidos, como COMESA, ECOWAS e SADC, emprega-se um modelo gravitacional, com dados em painel e estimador de PMVP (pseudo-máxima verossimilhança de Poisson), para o período 1995-2013. Por fim, para simular uma integração econômica de nível continental na África, com análise dos efeitos que esta política teria para o comércio e para o nível de bem-estar dos países africanos, aplica-se o modelo de equilíbrio geral GTAP (Global Trade Analysis Project), em sua base de dados versão 8, com agregação de produtos por intensidade tecnológica. Os principais resultados, a respeito dos acordos já estabelecidos (análise ex post), é que tanto o COMESA, quanto o SADC, foram capazes de alavancar o comércio entre seus países-membros, sem evidências de desvios de comércio, tanto nas importações como nas exportações (building blocks). O grupo ECOWAS, opostamente, não foi capaz de estimular os fluxos comerciais de seus integrantes, apresentando sinais de desvios de comércio (stumbling block). Na estimação dos fluxos potenciais de comércio, de forma geral, percebeu-se que os países-membros dos acordos comercializaram mais entre si, que aquilo previsto pelo modelo gravitacional, remetendo ao conceito dos parceiros naturais de comércio e a Hipótese de Linder. Na análise ex ante, em ambas simulações com o modelo de equilíbrio geral computável GTAP, os resultados apontam para a expansão do bem-estar no continente africano como um todo, via melhorias na eficiência alocativa e ganhos sobre os termos de troca, além da expansão comercial em aspecto intra-África, sobretudo em produtos intensivos em tecnologia. No cenário de liberalização comercial parcial, os ganhos dos países africanos são consideravelmente minimizados, indicando a relevância dos produtos primários para este continente. / This dissertation investigates the economic integration on the African continent, in the ex-post sense, as well as in the ex-ante sense. Firstly, to assess the economic effects of regional agreements already established, such as COMESA, ECOWAS and SADC, I apply a gravity model, with panel data and PMVP estimator (Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood), for the 1995-2013 period. Lastly, to simulate a continental integration on Africa, analyzing the effects of such policy for the trade and for the welfare of the African countries, I apply the GTAP general equilibrium model (Global Trade Analysis Project), version 8, with products aggregate per technological intensity. The main findings, in respect to the already established agreements (ex-post analysis) is that COMESA and SADC were capable of enhancing the trade between its country members, with no evidences of trade diversion on the imports as well as on the exports (building blocks). The ECOWAS group, on the contrary, was not able to stimulate the trade of its members, showing trade diversion signs (stumbling block). On the estimation of the potential trade flows, in a general way, it was realized that the members of the three agreements traded more with each other than the predicted by the gravity model, referring to the natural trading partner’s concept and the Linder Hypothesis. On the ex-ante analysis, on both simulation with the GTAP general equilibrium model, the results point out to the welfare expansion on the African continent as a whole, through improvements on the allocative efficiency and gains on the terms of trade, besides the trade improvement on an intra-Africa basis, mostly on technological intensive products. On the restrictive trade liberalization scenario, the gains of the African countries are substantially minimized, indicating to the relevance of primary products for such continent.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Correia Goncalves.pdf: 1323378 bytes, checksum: a68387e02bb563cd6dcc4f8a74af1f8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-04 / This thesis is intended to demonstrate how the State of Santa Catarina has been related with Mercosul, especially in the areas of foreign trade, tourism and education at university level. However, it was necessary to report the various attempts at integration with Latin America, especially in the periods that the happened the treaties, agreements, minutes, protocols, etc., in order to determine its relationship with Mercosul, still worrying to verify the main effects to the trade balance in Brazil. The methods used for this study were works of authors who wrote about the issues, research with official state and federal government, and others. The results presented help to verify that Brazil has increased so significantly their trade with Mercosul. Actually, the State of Santa Catarina has been a very important participant in the process of integration with Mercosul, by importing and exporting trade, tourism, university association, the role of the State government and many other areas / Esta tese tem o objetivo de demonstrar como o Estado de Santa Catarina vem se relacionando com o Mercosul, principalmente, na área de comércio exterior, turismo e educação em nível universitário. No entanto, fez-se necessário relatar as várias tentativas de integração com a América Latina, em especial aos períodos em que ocorreram os tratados, acordos, atas, protocolos etc. no sentido de poder verificar sua relação com o Mercosul, preocupando-se, ainda, em fazer um levantamento dos principais efeitos para a balança comercial do Brasil. Os métodos utilizados para este estudo foram obras de autores que escreveram sobre os assuntos abordados, pesquisa junto a órgãos oficiais do governo estadual e federal, e outros. Os resultados apresentados no trabalho contribuem para verificar que o Brasil aumentou de maneira expressiva seu comércio com o Mercosul. Em particular, o Estado de Santa Catarina tem sido um grande participante no processo de integração com o Mercosul, através do comércio importador e exportador, no turismo, convênios universitários, atuação do governo do Estado e muitas outras áreas

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Correia Goncalves.pdf: 1323378 bytes, checksum: a68387e02bb563cd6dcc4f8a74af1f8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-04 / This thesis is intended to demonstrate how the State of Santa Catarina has been related with Mercosul, especially in the areas of foreign trade, tourism and education at university level. However, it was necessary to report the various attempts at integration with Latin America, especially in the periods that the happened the treaties, agreements, minutes, protocols, etc., in order to determine its relationship with Mercosul, still worrying to verify the main effects to the trade balance in Brazil. The methods used for this study were works of authors who wrote about the issues, research with official state and federal government, and others. The results presented help to verify that Brazil has increased so significantly their trade with Mercosul. Actually, the State of Santa Catarina has been a very important participant in the process of integration with Mercosul, by importing and exporting trade, tourism, university association, the role of the State government and many other areas / Esta tese tem o objetivo de demonstrar como o Estado de Santa Catarina vem se relacionando com o Mercosul, principalmente, na área de comércio exterior, turismo e educação em nível universitário. No entanto, fez-se necessário relatar as várias tentativas de integração com a América Latina, em especial aos períodos em que ocorreram os tratados, acordos, atas, protocolos etc. no sentido de poder verificar sua relação com o Mercosul, preocupando-se, ainda, em fazer um levantamento dos principais efeitos para a balança comercial do Brasil. Os métodos utilizados para este estudo foram obras de autores que escreveram sobre os assuntos abordados, pesquisa junto a órgãos oficiais do governo estadual e federal, e outros. Os resultados apresentados no trabalho contribuem para verificar que o Brasil aumentou de maneira expressiva seu comércio com o Mercosul. Em particular, o Estado de Santa Catarina tem sido um grande participante no processo de integração com o Mercosul, através do comércio importador e exportador, no turismo, convênios universitários, atuação do governo do Estado e muitas outras áreas

A crise entre Brasil e Bolívia desencadeada pela nacionalização do gás é representativa do pa­pel da política doméstica nos temas das relações internacionais. Neste estudo, adotamos uma análise de escolha racional a partir do modelo da Economia Política Aberta, que parte do ambiente econômico para identificar interesses econômicos e sociais, como eles se materializam nas preferências políticas de atores sociais e econômicos, que influenciam a política doméstica e a atuação internacional do estado nacional. No caso em estudo, analisamos a interação e a barganha entre Brasil e Bolívia a partir da influência de atores como o movimento indígena-camponês boliviano, que acumulou forças ao longo dos anos e pôde impor sua agenda de nacionalização dos recursos naturais, a indústria de petróleo e gás, liderada pela Petrobras, e o empresariado industrial brasileiro, consumidor de 50% da oferta de gás natural brasileira. Estes atores influenciaram seus governos, que atuaram racionalmente para defender os interesses de seus países, considerados neste estudo como os interesses dos atores sociais e econômicos com maior força política. / The crisis between Brazil and Bolivia, triggered for the nationalization of natural gas, is rep­resentative of the role of domestic policy issues in international relations. In this study, we ad­opted an analysis of rational choice model, from Open Economy Politics, which starts from the economic environment to identify economic and social interests, and how they matter in political preferences of social and economic players, which influence the domestic politics and international acting of national state. In this case, we analyzed the interaction and bargaining between Brazil and Bolivia under the influence of players like Bolivian peasant-indigenous movement, which gains strength over the years and impose their agenda of nationalization of natural resources, oil and gas industry, led by Petrobras, and, last but not least, Brazil\'s industrial and business, consumer 50% of local supply of natural gas. These actor influenced their governments, who acted rationally to defend our national interests, considered in this paper as the interests of social and economic actors with strong political power.

Cette thèse regroupe trois articles sur les déséquilibres macroéconomiques en Europe, que ces déséquilibres se manifestent par une divergence entre pays membres de la zone euro, ou par une déformation du partage de la richesse entre travail et capital. Depuis l’introduction de l’Euro jusqu'à la crise financière globale de 2008, les déséquilibres macroéconomiques se sont creusés parmi les États membres : les prix et les salaires entre pays ont augmenté beaucoup plus rapidement dans les pays les plus pauvres initialement que dans le reste de la zone. Ces déséquilibres étaient tout d’abord perçus comme reflétant un processus de rattrapage. Cette interprétation a été remise en cause à partir de la crise financière globale de 2008. Ils ont été pointés du doigt comme reflétant de «mauvais» déséquilibres, signes d’une perte de compétitivité dans la « périphérie » de la zone euro. Les deux premiers chapitres identifient les facteurs à l’origine de ces déséquilibres. Ils montrent qu’ils sont en grande partie la conséquence de l’intégration économique elle-même. Le troisième chapitre s’intéresse au partage de la richesse entre travail et capital. Depuis le début des années 1980, la part de la richesse distribuée au travail a diminué dans les pays européens. En parallèle, la part des profits distribués aux actionnaires sous forme de dividendes et de rachats d’actions a augmenté. Ce chapitre suggère que sont en cause des changements dans la gouvernance des entreprises. Ces changements se manifestent par un rôle accru des investisseurs institutionnels dans le capital des sociétés non-financières, qui sont alors amenées à faire prédominer la rémunération des actionnaires au détriment du travail. / This doctoral thesis gathers three articles on macroeconomic imbalances in Europe. It deals with two types of imbalances: imbalances among European countries, and within these countries, in the distribution of income between labour and capital. From the Euro inception up to the 2008 global financial crisis, macroeconomic imbalances widened among Member States. This divergence took the form of strong differences in the dynamics of prices and wages: they increased much faster in "peripheral" economies than in "core" countries. These imbalances were first interpreted as reflecting a catch-up and convergence process of the poorest countries of the area. Both economists and policymakers challenged this view in the aftermath of the 2008 recession. Imbalances were then pointed out as reflecting a broader competitiveness problem in the "sinful periphery" compared to the "virtuous core". The first two chapters ask what are the main contributors to these imbalances. They argue that, in peripheral economies, they mostly reflect the process of economic integration. The third chapter focuses on the distribution of income between labour and capital. Since the early 1980s, there has been a decline in the share of income accruing to labour in European countries. This decline was parallel to an increase in the profit share, that reflects mostly the dynamics of payouts (dividends and buybacks) to shareholders. This chapter argues that these trends could be linked to recent trends in firm ownership. Non-financial corporations are increasingly owned by institutional investors, whom exert pressures for tighter governance in favor of shareholders and to the expense of labour.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-06-29T15:01:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maurício Delago Morais_.pdf: 304259 bytes, checksum: 38cd9494d868913afc9b6a9dc40b252b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-29T15:01:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maurício Delago Morais_.pdf: 304259 bytes, checksum: 38cd9494d868913afc9b6a9dc40b252b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / UNISINOS - Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / O comércio entre os países do hemisfério Sul tem crescido de forma significativa nas últimas décadas e, em 2011, já representava mais da metade de suas trocas comerciais. Além do forte crescimento, ele tem se tornado cada vez mais intensivo em capital e trabalho qualificado em comparação ao comércio Sul-Norte. O objetivo da pesquisa é analisar os efeitos sobre comércio e bem-estar da formação de uma área de livre comércio entre todos os países da América do Sul (UNASUL) e entre o Brasil e o North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), caracterizando comércio Sul-Sul e Sul-Norte, respectivamente. Neste estudo são realizadas duas simulações por meio de um modelo de equilíbrio geral computável. Os resultados mostraram que a UNASUL, apesar de gerar benefícios, expressos principalmente na forma de aumento de bem-estar e de exportações de bens de maior intensidade tecnológica para os países envolvidos, eles são limitados. Os ganhos mais expressivos para o Brasil ocorrem com a liberalização comercial Sul-Norte. / South-South trade has increased significantly in the last decades. In 2011, it accounted for more than half of total trade of the region. Besides the strong growth it is becoming more intensive in capital and skilled labor in comparison with South-North trade. The study analyses the effects on trade and welfare of the formation of a free trade area in South America (UNASUL) and between Brazil and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) using a computable general equilibrium model. The results show that despite UNASUL would generate gains for the countries that participate in this agreement, in terms of increased trade on high technology sectors and welfare, they are limited. The more significant gains for Brazil occur with the South-North trade liberalization.

This study explores three dimensions in the integration of Iranian immigrants in Sweden: economic, cultural and social. To test the generalisability of the ideas presented, and to place them in a wider framework the integration of Iranians has been compared with those of three other minorities: Chileans, Poles, and Finns. Data used in the statistical analyses have been obtained from the Centre for Research in International Migration and Ethnic relations (CEIFO). Economic integration of an immigrant group in a new society has been defined as its economic equality with the host population. The first part dealing with this aspect of integration compares Iranians with Swedes by three economic indicators: the ratio of unemployment, socio-economic status and income. By all indicators Iranians hold a considerably lower position as compared with Swedes. Both socio-demographic factors related to the Iranians and discrimination exercised by Swedish employers have been found to be relevant to the economic integration of Iranians in Sweden. The comparison of Iranians with the three other minorities, in terms of discrimination, indicates that the discrimination of these minorities corresponds to their cultural distance from Swedes. Iranians, with the remotest culture from Swedes among the four minorities, suffer the highest degree of discrimination. Finns, with the closest culture, suffer the lowest degree of discrimination. And the two other minorities lie between these two groups, respectively. Discrimination manifests itself mainly in a differential size of incomes which derives from the differential distribution of these groups among the least desirable occupations. The second part dealing with cultural integration evaluates the adaptation of Iranian to Swedish culture by two indicators representing cognitive and normative acculturation. This part is especially focused on the proposition that the westernisation process in Iran and differential reactions against this process are relevant in the acculturation of Iranians in Sweden. Two hypotheses formulated on the basis of this proposition- the negative effects of commitment to Iranian culture and radicalism on the acculturation of Iranians in Sweden- have been supported by the indicator of normative acculturation, but not by that of cognitive acculturation. The comparison of the four minorities has demonstrated that generalities, clustering and uniqueness all exist among the factors explaining their acculturation. The generalities and clustering are more striking in cognitive acculturation. Similarities are more evident between Iranians and Chileans. Finally, the last part dealing with social integration concentrates on the association of Iranians with Swedes. Assuming that association of two individuals with each other requires a common language and a minimum degree of intersubjectivity, it has been generally hypothesised that: 1) social integration of minorities in the new society will be a function of their cultural distance from the host population, and 2) all processes contributing to the increasing or decreasing of cultural distance will contribute also to the increasing or decreasing of their social integration. On the basis of these general hypotheses the following concrete hypotheses have been tested. 1) Among the four minorities, Iranians, as culturally remotest from Swedes, will have the least degree of social integration, followed by Chileans, Poles and Finns, respectively. 2) Commitment of Iranians to Iranian culture, as a medium increasing cultural distance, will correlate negatively with their social integration in Sweden. 3) Countercultural elements in Swedish society, as a medium of cultural-distance reduction, will contribute to the social integration of immigrants in this society. All hypotheses have been supported by the existing data.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration