In the postwar era, there has been a change in the nature of the British Conservative Party caused by the adoption of classical liberal ideas antithetical to its principles. This trend rapidly accelerated during the leadership of the Party by Margaret Thatcher who appeared oblivious to the fundamental incompatibility of liberalism and conservatism. She attempted to weld them together in her economic and social policies creating strong internal tensions within what was dubbed "Thatcherism". This clash became more pronounced as her reign as British Prime Minister continued and was part of the reason for her eventual downfall at the hands of her own party. To illustrate the conversion of the Conservative Party to a more liberal standpoint we will consider two modern day political thinkers and the popularity of their positions. This approach is taken because their philosphies parallel the thinking of the postwar Conservative Party before Thatcher and under Thatcher's leadership. Michael Oakeshott, who fits into the conservative tradition and Friedrich Hayek, who embodies liberalism. Oakeshott's philosophy is in sharp contrast at important points to the ideas of Hayek, a self-confessed and proud liberal, whose ideas nevertheless found favour within the Conservative Party while many integral parts of conservatism, of which Oakeshott is a representative, were pushed aside. The stridency and harshness with which Thatcher preached the doctrine of economic liberalism and ideology and also tried to retain certain conservative ideals such as, authority, nationalism and militarism constituted a serious and damaging tension within her programme as well as demonstrating the depth of the change that had occurred in the Conservative Party. This thesis seeks to point out these changes and illustrate the adverse effects caused by attempting to turn the Conservative Party into a promoter of classical liberal ideology and thereby partially explain the increasing shakiness of Thatcherism in the 1980's. Even though its leader never lost faith in its convictions or her determination to translate them into concrete policies . / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The goal of this thesis is to examine the effect of neoliberalism on developing nations. Specifically it will look at how neoliberalism has affected Mexico via the North American Free Trade Agreement. Mexico was chosen because since its depression in 1982 it has adopted continuing neoliberal policy, which according to its leaders, United States leaders, and international governmental bodies, is the path to development and the improvement of the standard of living for all people. This work begins by examining the historical path of neoliberalism to provide context for choosing Mexico for the focal point of this thesis, as well as context for the situation occurring in Mexico. It then examines neoliberalism via its scholars who are in support of it and against it. This is followed by an evaluation method based off of Amarya Sen's capability approach to development. Then several previous studies are examined to prove qualitatively that there have been adverse effects experienced under NAFTA in Mexico, by all of the established evaluation parameters. Then this thesis turns to a discussion of some descriptive statistics relating to the approach set up by Sen. It concludes with quantitative approach showing over interesting correlations of neoliberalism, to other variables indicative of capabilities via linear regression.

Abstract Adam Smith is one of the mostly widely read eighteenth-century thinkers, enjoying a scholar reputation among economist, social scientists, political theorists, as well as philosophers. It is frequently believed that the great eighteenth-century Scottish moral philosophy Adam Smith was an extreme dogmatic defender of laissez-faire. It seems clear that Adam Smith has undergone an ideologically based reinterpretation. Smith¡¦s ¡¨invisible hand¡¨ , the most famous metaphor in economics and social science, has been identical with the automatic equilibrating mechanism of the competitive market. Free-market exchanges can unintentionally produce economic well-being, but only under certain specific conditions. Smith¡¦s thesis is that the invisible hand works because, and only when, people operate with restrains self-interest in cooperation with others under the precepts of justice. I found that public spirit, or civic virtue was, for Smith, a vitally important aspect of political economy. I noted that for Smith all constitutions must be judged by the happiness of the people who live under them. Thus, government plays the read role in securing the common good in society.

This study investigated the effect the price of oil has on enabling political establishments to maintain their presence within the business environment. The study consists of three different case studies with each of the states (Saudi Arabia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates) being chosen based upon their level of state involvement within the business community. Each case study investigated whether the price of oil had any effect on influencing the amount of political involvement within the business community, property rights or trade freedom. The findings for all three case studies suggest that the price of oil has little to no effect on determining the amount of influence the state possesses within the business environment. Based on the results of this investigation, recommendations were made to improve the United States relationship with each country. Additional analysis and recommendations were made concerning the future economic impact of Iraq relying solely on oil as its revenue source.

Since Washington Consensus policies became predominant in the 1980s, two sides of the economic globalization debate have developed: advocates claim that trade liberalization, deregulation, privatization and reduced state spending increase growth and therefore reduce poverty, while critics claim that levels of poverty and income disparity have worsened at the same time that social welfare and education programs have suffered budget cuts. Over the past decade, as many Latin Americans have failed to see promised results to alleviate poverty stemming from the "lost decade" of the 1980s (and beyond), they have elected "leftist" presidents that campaigned on anti-economic globalization (or anti-neoliberal) platforms in Venezuela, Brazil, Ecuador, Argentina, Uruguay and most recently, Bolivia. In order to examine whether policies pursued by these leftward-leaning presidents present a potential development alternative to the policies of economic globalization, my methodology is a case study of Argentina. The study is longitudinal; it first examines the Washington Consensus policies as Argentine President Carlos Menem applied them in the 1990s. It then investigates the policies of the current president, Néstor Kirchner, in an effort to determine if his policies constitute an alternative model of development for Argentina after the economic crash of December 2001/January 2002. The study finds that, while President Kirchner has taken a firm stance with the IMF and creditors, his polices do not represent a clear break with economic globalization. Kirchner has instituted new policies to ameliorate poverty and the effects of globalization, but he has renegotiated and paid external debt (rather than directing that money to domestic programs) and continues to work with companies privatized by Menem. President Kirchner more aptly presents a model that walks a fine line between economic globalization and national development.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Anderson Matias Cardozo.pdf: 1561262 bytes, checksum: e73e95991b81c7ed01037cb02bd977b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / East Asia since the 1990s, is characterized by the presence of actors with growing capacity both in economic terms and in political and strategic objectives, clear or not, exercise leadership at the regional and international levels, and the region with the increased presence of nuclear powers. In this sense, the ongoing Chinese rise, with greater influence in Southeast Asia, it still presents itself as a possible threat to Indian interests. On the other hand, The United states has always had a strong influence in the region and increasingly demonstrates officially his intention to remain in Asia and prevent growth of other actors that might compromise its traditional role in terms of safety and even undermine their economic interests. In this process, also excels at the role of Japan, considered the beginning of 1990 as one that could replace the United States, saw its possibilities gradually being weakened by Chinese growth. In this sense, this paper seeks to examine and analyze the process of inclusion of India in the Asian continent, due to the inflection of his foreign and economic policies in the Post Cold War. On one hand, India will seek to insert themselves in Asian production networks, today led by China and on the other, will see constrained by the demands of Japanese-American to be a force that can counter the growing Chinese power. And among this movement that leads to the need for stronger economic ties with China and political-strategic approaches with the United States and Japan as opposed to China, India maintains its project of becoming a regional power in this century XXI. / O Leste Asiático, desde a década de 1990, é caracterizado pela presença de atores com capacidade crescente tanto na dimensão econômica quanto na político-estratégica e com objetivos, claros ou não, de exercício de liderança nos planos regional e internacional, sendo a região com a maior presença de potências nucleares. Neste sentido, a contínua ascensão chinesa, com uma maior influência no Sudeste Asiático, não deixa de se apresentar como uma possível ameaça aos interesses indianos. De outro lado, Estados Unidos sempre teve forte influência na região e cada vez mais demonstra oficialmente sua intenção de se manter na Ásia e evitar crescimento de outros atores que possam comprometer seu tradicional papel no plano da segurança e mesmo prejudicar seus interesses econômicos. Neste processo, sobressai-se igualmente o papel do Japão que, considerado no início dos 1990 como aquele que poderia substituir Estados Unidos, viu paulatinamente suas possibilidades serem enfraquecidas pelo crescimento chinês. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho busca examinar e analisar o processo de inserção da Índia no continente asiático, decorrente da inflexão de suas políticas externa e econômica no Pós Guerra Fria. De um lado, Índia procurará inserir-se nas redes produtivas asiáticas, hoje lideradas pela China e, de outro, ver-se-á constrangida pelas demandas nipo-americanas de ser uma força que possa contrabalançar o crescente poder chinês. E, entre este movimento que leva à necessidade de fortes vínculos econômicos com a China e aproximações político-estratégicas com Estados Unidos e Japão em oposição à China, a Índia mantém seu projeto de se transformar em uma potência regional neste século XXI.

i Abstract Liberalism encompasses many disciplines. Individual freedom, free-market capitalism, republican form of government, and rule of law are considered to be among its main pillars. The Thesis illustrates an original analysis of three partial "liberal" theories of International Relations (IR) - referred to as "approaches" because of their interdisciplinarity - and their main scholars' considerations vis-à-vis important selected elements of global politics, with peace as the general background. The three analyzed approaches are Economic Liberalism, Democratic Peace Theory, and Democratic Realism. Keeping into account their differences, traditions, and purposes, the approaches are operationalized through five subchapters - institutions, free-market, international law, conflict intervention, and nationalism - to prove their compatibility, non-contradiction, and possible juxtaposition vis-à-vis these features. Despite some "empirical differences", while looking at the selected-IR issues, the approaches have "common threads", and this is visible when the three frameworks and their top-selected scholars are confronted with the elements. After a general introduction on liberalism, a definition of peace in IR, and a quick overview of Peace Studies, the three approaches are presented in their theoretical...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Gal Mountian.pdf: 404598 bytes, checksum: 6a3572319e1f94ff0a3766a923762bee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this work is to evaluate the theoretical foundations of the World Bank activities in relation to poverty, especially in the 90s decade. It aims to examine the extent in which the concept of poverty of the Bank and its strategies of poverty reduction were based in the liberal theoretical matrix, pointing out the limitations of these strategies. The research is inscribed in the field of Political Economy, examining the institution and its contradictions, in order to understand the theoretical and historical backgrounds of its conceptions. The methodology employed is the crtitical analysis of the studies of the Bank, especially of the World Development Report. The first conclusion of this study is that there is a strong identification between the general conceptions of the World Bank and Liberal Economy. From the preponderance of the market as the best distributor of the resources in the economy and the trust that this mechanism can generate benefits to the whole society, including the lower classes, the concept of the poor is constructed as that individual that does not achieve basic resources of survival via market. For this group of individuals, the solution would be then the development of social policies focused on their needs, while at the same time that the orientation of the economy to the market is intensified. The fist limitation that was verified of these strategies of reducing poverty of the World Bark is that the kernel of its concern is in relation to extreme poverty, a specific category of poor, that one that does not have the basic resources for survival. There are not, within the Bank proposal, an emphasis to diminish social inequality, unless when affecting the growth and efficiency of economy. Another dimension of these limitations refers to the subsidiary role of reducing poverty in relation to the central objective of the Bank: economic growth. Poverty reduction has to be compatible with a model of development of the Bank, contributing to its intensification. Furthermore, the social policies focused on poverty, together with the priority of arguments of economic efficiency around notions of universal social rights, come to empty and weaken the concept of citizenship / O objetivo deste trabalho é realizar uma avaliação das bases teóricas da atuação do Banco Mundial com relação à pobreza, especialmente a partir da década de 1990. Pretende-se verificar até que ponto o conceito de pobreza do Banco e suas estratégias de redução se basearam na matriz teórica liberal, e identificar as limitações dessas estratégias. A pesquisa se insere no campo da Economia Política, tratando a instituição sob o ponto de vista de suas contradições, buscando compreender as raízes teóricas e históricas de suas concepções. A metodologia utilizada é a análise crítica de estudos do Banco, especialmente o Relatório sobre o Desenvolvimento Mundial, assim como em bibliografia secundária. A primeira conclusão deste trabalho é que existe uma forte identificação entre as concepções gerais do Banco Mundial e o Liberalismo Econômico. A partir da aceitação do mercado como melhor alocador de recursos na economia e da confiança que esse mecanismo pode gerar benefícios a toda sociedade, inclusive às camadas mais baixas, o conceito de pobre do Banco Mundial é construído como aquele indivíduo que não consegue condições mínimas de sobrevivência, via mercado. Para esse grupo de indivíduos, o melhor remédio seria o desenvolvimento de políticas sociais focalizadas em suas necessidades, ao mesmo tempo em que a orientação da economia para o mercado é intensificada. A primeira limitação verificada das estratégias de combate à pobreza do Banco Mundial é que a essência de sua preocupação é com a pobreza extrema, uma categoria específica de pobre, aquela que não tem condições mínimas de sobrevivência. Não há, nas propostas do Banco, uma ênfase na diminuição das desigualdades sociais, a menos quando prejudicam o crescimento e a eficiência da economia. Outra dimensão de limitações diz respeito ao papel subsidiário do combate à pobreza com relação ao objetivo central do Banco: o crescimento econômico. O combate à pobreza deve ser compatível com o modelo de crescimento do Banco, contribuindo ainda para sua intensificação. Ainda, as políticas sociais focalizadas na pobreza, juntamente com a prioridade de argumentos de eficiência econômica sob noções de direitos sociais universais, acabam por esvaziar e enfraquecer o conceito de cidadania

Theories in the international political economy literature, economic liberalism and dependency, are explored in order to test the effect of U.S. aid, trade, and investment on human rights conditions in recipient states. Two measures of human rights conditions serve as dependent variables: security rights and subsistence rights. The data cover approximately 140 countries from 1976-1996. Pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, utilizing ordinary least squares (OLS) with panel corrected standard errors, is employed due to the temporal and spatial characteristics of the data. The results indicate that foreign assistance and economic policy may not be the best approaches to altering poor human rights practices in the area of security rights. Economic and military aid is negatively associated with levels of security rights, supporting the traditional dependency perspective. While the results from trade and investment are generally in the positive direction, the lack of consistent statistical evidence suggests that increased trade and investment relationships do not dramatically improve security rights. We can conclude, however, that trade and investment fail to have the negative effect on security rights in less developed countries which critics of globalization suggest. Economic aid has a statistically significant negative effect on subsistence rights, while military aid seems to benefit the human condition in recipient states. However, extreme negative effects on security rights accompany any benefit realized in the area of subsistence rights from military aid. Trade and investment have a positive and statistically significant effect on basic human needs providing support for the liberal perspective. It appears that American businesses and politicians can forge ahead with seemingly self-interested motivations and economic policies as American economic gain ironically serves to benefit the well being of citizens in other states. However, in spite of political rhetoric and even sincere intentions regarding foreign assistance policy, it appears that the road to human rights hell is paved with good intentions.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-14T18:21:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Anderson Matias Cardozo.pdf: 40980536 bytes, checksum: 02b8d2a1c47f1d52ad2f9e11dd98820e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-14T18:21:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Anderson Matias Cardozo.pdf: 40980536 bytes, checksum: 02b8d2a1c47f1d52ad2f9e11dd98820e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-27 / CAPES / East Asia since the 1990s, is characterized by the presence of actors with growing capacity both in economic terms and in political and strategic objectives, clear or not, exercise leadership at the regional and international levels, and the region with the increased presence of nuclear powers. In this sense, the ongoing Chinese rise, with greater influence in Southeast Asia, it still presents itself as a possible threat to Indian interests. On the other hand, The United states has always had a strong influence in the region and increasingly demonstrates officially his intention to remain in Asia and prevent growth of other actors that might compromise its traditional role in terms of safety and even undermine their economic interests. In this process, also excels at the role of Japan, considered the beginning of 1990 as one that could replace the United States, saw its possibilities gradually being weakened by Chinese growth. In this sense, this paper seeks to examine and analyze the process of inclusion of India in the Asian continent, due to the inflection of his foreign and economic policies in the Post Cold War. On one hand, India will seek to insert themselves in Asian production networks, today led by China and on the other, will see constrained by the demands of Japanese-American to be a force that can counter the growing Chinese power. And among this movement that leads to the need for stronger economic ties with China and political-strategic approaches with the United States and Japan as opposed to China, India maintains its project of becoming a regional power in this century XXI. / O Leste asiático, desde a década de 1990, é caracterizado pela presença de atores com capacidade crescente tanto na dimensão econômica quanto na político-estratégica e com objetivos, claros ou não, de exercício de liderança nos planos regional e internacional, sendo a região com a maior presença de potências nucleares. Neste sentido, a contínua ascensão chinesa, com uma maior influência no Sudeste Asiático, não deixa de se apresentar como uma possível ameaça aos interesses indianos. De outro lado, Estados Unidos sempre teve forte influência na região e cada vez mais demonstra oficialmente sua intenção de se manter na Ásia e evitar crescimento de outros atores que possam comprometer seu tradicional papel no plano da segurança e mesmo prejudicar seus interesses econômicos. Neste processo, sobressai-se igualmente o papel do Japão que, considerado no início dos 1990 como aquele que poderia substituir Estados Unidos, viu paulatinamente suas possibilidades serem enfraquecidas pelo crescimento chinês. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho busca examinar e analisar o processo de inserção da Índia no continente asiático, decorrente da inflexão de suas políticas externa e econômica no Pós Guerra Fria. De um lado, Índia procurará inserir-se nas redes produtivas asiáticas, hoje lideradas pela China e, de outro, ver-se-á constrangida pelas demandas nipo-americanas de ser uma força que possa contrabalançar o crescente poder chinês. E, entre este movimento que leva à necessidade de fortes vínculos econômicos com a China e aproximações político-estratégicas com Estados Unidos e Japão em oposição à China, a Índia mantém seu projeto de se transformar em uma potência regional neste século XXI.