Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T09:25:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ribeiro_RicardoAlaggio_D.pdf: 1916730 bytes, checksum: 2b3015a388b46eaf6983434dee68e84a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O tema desta pesquisa é a Aliança para o Progresso, programa de ajuda externa norte-americano direcionado para a América Latina, idealizado nos primórdios da administração Kennedy e implantado nos anos subseqüentes. O interesse maior do trabalho é investigar o impacto político e econômico do programa no Brasil, dando ênfase às relações Brasil - Estados Unidos durante o período 1961-1968. Para este fim, assume-se uma perspectiva ¿burocrática¿, cujos parâmetros estão descritos no trabalho. O braço operacional da Aliança foi a USAID (U.S. Agency for International Development) cujas operações brasileiras são estudadas, especificamente, privilegiando as relações entre os agentes americanos e os diferentes órgãos da burocracia brasileira que com eles trabalharam. Para uma melhor compreensão dos fatos, o trabalho foi dividido em duas etapas. A primeira, estuda a Aliança no período dos governos de Jânio Quadros e João Goulart, quando, por várias razões estudadas, o programa teve pouca aceitação no Brasil e desenvolveu-se um ciclo de cooperação e confronto que perdurou até a crise final que derrubou o regime. A segunda etapa analisa a ajuda externa americana durante o período do governo dos Generais Castello Branco e Costa e Silva. Durante o regime militar, especialmente nos seus primeiros anos, reuniram-se uma série de elementos que impulsionaram uma abordagem mais cooperativa, até então não alcançada. Um destes elementos foi a própria derrota dos grupos que se opunham à ajuda externa norte-americana. O programa atingiu um auge no Brasil durante o governo de Castello Branco. No decorrer do governo Costa e Silva, uma série de fatores, estudados na tese, levaram a um relativo distanciamento do Brasil em relação aos EUA sem, contudo, afetar significativamente o montante da assistência. A crise do AI-5, porém, vai suspender a ajuda. Posteriormente, o governo Nixon, com base no Relatório Rockfeller, muda a política americana para a região, acabando com a experiência de uma ajuda massiva destinada ao desenvolvimento econômico da América Latina / Abstract: The target of this work is the Alliance for Progress, an american foreign aid program to the Latin America countries. It was devised in the beginning of Kennedy administration and introduced in the subsequent years. The principal goal is to investigate the political and economical influence of the program in Brazil, emphasizing the U.S. ¿ Brazil relations, in 1961-1968 period. The operational branch of the American government, in this undertaking, was USAID (U.S. Agency for International Development). We analyze the actions among the american actor and the different brazilian bureaucratic agencies. To understand better this work, we divided it in two parts. The first studies the Alliance in the Jânio Quadros and João Goulart governments. In this period, the program doesn¿t receive good acceptance, even though was established a confront and cooperation cycle which lasted until the crisis that overthrew the regime. The second part studies the american foreign assistance during the Generals Castello Branco and Costa e Silva governments. In the military regime first years, with the removal of the groups that doesn¿t accept the american foreign aid, a more effective partnership was developed by the Alliance with Brazil. The program reached the apex during Castello Branco government, but in the years of Costa e Silva administration, several factors brought to a relative distance between the two countries. With the arrival of the AI-5 crisis the american aid was suspended. The President Nixon proposed new directions for the Latin America policy based in the Rockfeller Report, finishing the experience of a massive aid for the continental economic development / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:27:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Preto_CarolinaCristinaLoucao_M.pdf: 1117555 bytes, checksum: 0b22346e66296aff90611eee9900bb5d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo central examinar e problematizar a reflexão sobre o relacionamento entre a Organização Mundial do Comércio e, seu principal arquiteto, os Estados Unidos, à luz de diferentes teorias das Relações Internacionais e de considerações em torno do debate doméstico sobre a OMC nesse país. Observamos a relação entre os EUA e a OMC tanto no que concerne o plano das negociações comerciais multilaterais, como também, no que se refere à dimensão do Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias, tentando estabelecer paralelos com as dificuldades de negociação no âmbito da Rodada Doha. Historicamente, os EUA dominaram os resultados das negociações comerciais multilaterais, prevalecendo na determinação do conteúdo das regras da OMC, assim como, na definição de suas principais características: uma ampla cobertura temática e a presença de um mecanismo judicial que está entre as formas mais avançadas de direito internacional da atualidade. Contudo, estudos indicam que, no plano das negociações comerciais, devido a alterações na economia mundial, a tradicional influência norte-americana foi sendo reduzida ao longo do tempo, apresentando implicações importantes para o processo de produção de regras da organização. Além disso, autores sugerem que a reforma do OSC melhorou o posicionamento das partes demandantes das disputas, mesmo quando essas partes estavam iniciando casos contra os EUA, restringindo assim a capacidade desse Estado de determinar os resultados das disputas e de descumprir seus compromissos internacionais no campo do comércio. Os interesses norte-americanos estão largamente refletidos na OMC e, embora esse seja o traço mais forte a definir o relacionamento entre os EUA e essa instituição, ele não é o único. A interação entre a OMC e os interesses dos EUA parece mais complexa do que alguns teóricos das relações internacionais argumentaram / Abstract: The main purpose of this work is to examine and discuss the reflection on the relationship between the World Trade Organization and, its principal architect, the United States, in light of different theories of International Relations and of considerations over the domestic debate on the WTO in this country. We observed the relationship between the U.S. and the WTO both in respect to the multilateral trade negotiations and with regard to the Dispute Settlement Body, trying to draw parallels with the current difficulties in negotiating the Doha Round. Historically, the U.S. has dominated the results of multilateral trade negotiations, prevailed in the determination of the rules of the WTO and, consequently, in the definition of its main features: a broad coverage and the presence of a judicial mechanism that is among the most advanced forms of international law today. Nevertheless, concerning the multilateral trade negotiations, studies point out that, due to changes in the global economy, U.S.'s influence in this area has been reduced over time, with significant implications for the rule-making process of the organization. Besides that, some authors argue that the reform of the DSB has improved the positioning of plaintiffs in disputes, even when they were starting cases against the U.S. and thus restricted U.S.'s ability to determine the outcome of disputes and disregard its international commitments in the field of trade. U.S.'s interests are largely reflected in the WTO and, although this is the strongest characteristic applied in order to describe the relationship between the U.S. and this institution, this is not the only one. The interaction between the WTO and the U.S's interests may actually be more complex than some International Relations scholars have argued / Mestrado / Instituições, Processos e Atores / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette étude traite des stratégies allemandes pour prendre le contrôle des ressources en bois d’oeuvre dans l’espace baltique entre 1840 et 1914. Centré sur le commerce dans les bassins de la Vistule et de la Warta, elle montre comment la puissance allemande montante y est parvenue à sécuriser un accès bon marché et stable aux ressources ligneuses. Les firmes établirent leur domination commerciale en développant des technologies de transport et en renforçant leurs capacités financières et organisationnelles, tout cela en tirant profit des faiblesses économiques et politiques locales. En analysant les dimensions écologiques et économiques de l’extraction et de la transformation des bois, la thèse souligne le rôle joué par les importations dans la préservation des forêts allemandes. Elle présente également les impacts de cette évolution sur les populations locales et l’environnement. En conclusion, la thèse plaide pour une histoire authentiquement globale de la forêt allemande. / This thesis deals with the German attempts to take control over timber resources in the Baltic area between 1840 and 1914. Focused on the trade in the Vistula and Warta river basins, it shows how the rising German economy managed to make the local forests into its backyard by securing cheap and stable access to timber resources. German firms progressively achieved trade dominance by developing transport technologies and reinforcing their financial and organizational capacities. They also managed to take advantage of the local economic and political weaknesses. Through ecological and economic explanation of timber extraction and processing, the thesis underlines the role played by foreign timber in the preservation of the German forests. It also describes the impact of this process on the local population and environment. Finally, the thesis advocates for a truly global history of the German forest.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The analysis of non-discrimination under Article III of GATT has shown weakness or flaws throughout more than fifty years. The language used by GATT/WTO panels and the Appellate Body in interpreting the two prongs of non-discrimination in the national treatment clause, namely, likeness and protection, lagged behind economic reality. The critical legal analysis carried out in here reveals, to some extent, this while offering a clearer and sounder analysis to non-discrimination based more on market analysis and its economic indicators. / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Chinese presence in Africa has been rapidly increasing in the past few years and has been speculated to be mainly due to China seeking Africa’s political alliance and access to Africa’s natural resources and growing consumer markets. The growing presence of Chinese organisations in Africa, however, has not been without its challenges. In particular, Chinese multinational corporations (MNCs) in search of consumer markets in Africa have been cited as facing human resource (HR) challenges which may affect their organisational performance. In this regard, literature on human resource management has already established the important role of organisational culture, HR practices and organisational commitment in enabling organisations to achieve superior organisational performance. Given the fact that there is currently little research knowledge of Chinese presence in Africa at the organisational level, this research aimed to contribute empirical knowledge to the growing body of research in this area. Specifically, the main purpose of this research was to examine how the organisational culture of a Chinese MNC’s South African subsidiary has shaped the nature of its high commitment work system (HCWS) and to assess the consequences thereof on organisational commitment. In alignment with the phenomenological paradigm, the research applied a descriptive and explanatory case study methodology in order to generate rich, qualitative data which was required for in-depth descriptions and to uncover the underlying interactions of the researched phenomena at the subsidiary. The selected case for the research was, therefore, a Chinese MNC operating in the personal computer (PC) industry, which had expanded its operations to South Africa in order to reach Africa’s growing consumer markets. In particular, the South African subsidiary served as a PC sales and distribution organisation for the Chinese MNC. There were about 40 employees at the subsidiary who were all South African employees. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with twelve employees from different job functions and across different job levels. Data collection was guided by the theoretical frameworks by Cameron and Freeman (1991) for organisational culture and Xiao and Bjorkman (2006) for the HCWS and organisational commitment. The data collected from interviews was then analysed through a qualitative, content analysis process. The findings of the research thus pointed to the market culture as the dominant organisational culture type at the South African subsidiary of the Chinese MNC; characteristics of the adhocracy and clan cultures were also discovered. The externally oriented market culture was found to be the most relevant for the high performance and market leadership aspirations of the subsidiary. The market culture also appears to be the most appropriate organisational culture that would enable the subsidiary to deal with the competitive nature of the PC industry. Furthermore, it was found that certain cultural values emphasised by the Confucian and Ubuntu value systems could have had a part to play in the formation of the subsidiary’s organisational culture. The market culture was also found to have had the greatest influence in shaping the primarily performance oriented HCWS practices. Of the investigated HR practices at the subsidiary, all were found to be consistent with HCWS practices, with the exception of ownership practices and the performance appraisal system. Finally, although there were generally high levels of organisational commitment reported at the subsidiary, other job and organisational context factors besides the HCWS practices were found to be the major contributors to those feelings of organisational commitment. By investigating the organisational culture, HCWS and organisational commitment of a Chinese MNC in South Africa, this research has added to the body of knowledge concerning the growing presence of Chinese organisations in Africa. Based on the empirical findings of this study, several recommendations have been made in an attempt to assist the Chinese MNC manage the organisational commitment of its South African employees towards superior organisational performance.