This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. <p><p>The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.<p><p>We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.<p><p>We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making. <p> / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a descriptive and interpretive study into the political economy of intellectual property rights, the conceptual and practical implications for the phenomenon of global governance, and how developing countries experience problems with the implementation of national policies that infringe on international intellectual property rights. The specific area of interest is the generic medicine debate that ensued in South Africa after the alleged violation of patent rights of anti-HIV/Aids drugs by the Department of Health. The research question that is addressed is to what extent has the existing international intellectual property rights regime been influenced and/or undermined by South Africa's intended application of WTO regulations in terms of compulsory licensing and parallel imports of "essential" medicines. In doing so, the paper examines the roles of the important states, international organisations, institutions, and private sector firms within the sphere ofthe political economy of intellectual property and how they impede upon or improve the functioning of the intellectual property rights regime. The methodology entails analytical inquiries into documentary evidence on the nature of the international intellectual property rights regime. Areas that are examined are the agendas of the important actors, namely states and their respective departments; individuals and firms; and international organisations. The concept of intellectual property is examined to determine its dynamic role within the generic medicine debate. The thesis concludes that the agendas of pharmaceutical firms and states are exploiting current political stalemates in the negotiations for a fair intellectual property rights regime. National health agencies, and specifically the South African Department of Health, are under enormous pressure to provide affordable health services. Specifically, the US Government and US pharmaceutical firms are dominating discussions on the architecture of the international intellectual property law regime. By using an analysis incorporating systemic, domestic interest, institutional, and ideational perspectives, it is argued that South Africa's drive for a more distributive intellectual property rights regime has placed the issue of health, Aids and generic medicine firmly within the sphere of the political economy of trade agreements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n deskriptiewe en 'n interpretiewe studie oor die politieke ekonomie van intellektuele eiendomsregte, die konseptuele en praktiese implikasies vir die verskynsel van globale regering, en hoe ontwikkelende lande probleme ervaar met die implimentering van nasionale beleid wat internasionale intellektuele eiendomsregte aantas. Die spesifieke area van belang is die generiese medisyne debat wat onstaan het na die beweerde skending van patentregte van anti-HIVNigs medisyne deur die Departement van Gesondheid. Die navorsingsvraag wat beantwoord word behels die omvang van die impak van Suid- Afrika se voorgenome toepassing van WTO bepalinge, met betrekking tot die verpligte lisensiering en parallelle invoer van "essensiele" medisyne, op die bestaande internasionale intellektuele eiedomsreg regime. Hierdie tesis ondersoek vervolgens die rol van state, internasionale organisasies, instellings, en privaat sector firmas binne die sfeer van die politieke ekonomie van intellektuele eiendom en hoe hulle afsonderlik die funksionaliteit van die intellektuele eiendomsregte regime beïnvloed. Die metodologie behels 'n analitiese ondersoek van die literatuur oor die aard van internasionale intellektuele eiendomsreg regimes. Areas wat ondersoek word, is die agendas van belangrike akteurs, naamlik die staat en sy onderskeie departemente; individue en firmas; asook internasionale organisasies en instellings. Die konsep van intellektuele eiendom word ondersoek om die dinamiese uitwerking daarvan op die generiese medisyne debat te verstaan. Hierdie tesis voer aan dat die agendas van firmas, spesifiek farmaseutiese firmas en state die huidige politieke dooiepunt in die onderhandeling rondom 'n regverdige intellektuele iendomsregte-regime, uitbuit. Nasionale instellings, soos die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Gesondheid, is onder groot druk om bekostigbare gesondheidsdienste te lewer. Die VSA en farmaseutiese firmas domineer onderhandelinge vir 'n nuwe struktuur vir die internasionale eiendomsregte-regime. Deur gebruik te maak van 'n analitiese raamwerk wat sistemiese, interne belange, institusionele, en ideologies perspektiewe inkorporeer, word daar geargumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se pogings om 'n meer distributiewe intellektuele eiendomsregte regime te verseker, die probleem van gesondheid, Vigs, en generiese medisyne binnne die sfeer van die politieke ekonomie van handelsooreenkomste, plaas.

The thesis explores the potential of African higher education institutions in assisting the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in its quest to affectively achieve its goals. My contention is that higher education institutions need to be favourably positioned in terms of institutional autonomy and academic freedom to assist the achievement of the NEPAD goals. Moreover, there is a need for deliberative democracy, if the NEPAD goals are to be achieved affectively, especially from the perspective of higher education institutions.

Le monde des affaires est marqué par des contrats conclus entre des personnes de pouvoir économique inégal, ce qui résulte souvent sur des abus subis par la partie la plus faible. De ce fait, la recherche de l’équilibre contractuel et, plus précisément, de la protection de la partie faible, y est constante. Dans cette optique, le droit des pratiques restrictives de concurrence, droit des pratiques économiques individuelles, est souvent présenté comme un dispositif légal permettant de répondre à cette préoccupation en ce qu’il aurait pour finalité la protection des entreprises dans leurs relations bilatérales. Cependant, cette affirmation est loin d’être exacte. En effet, l’analyse des règles de ce droit de la concurrence amène à remettre en cause ce point de vue. En réalité, les dispositions qui le composent ont une finalité qui transcende l’intérêt des parties pour s’attacher à un intérêt général économique. L'encadrement individuel des relations commerciales est un moyen pour parvenir à atteindre des finalités macroéconomiques. La protection de la partie faible ne peut être assurée par le droit des pratiques restrictives de concurrence mais ressortit à d'autres mécanismes juridiques. / The business world is marked by contracts between people of unequal economic power which often leads to abuses suffered by the weaker party. Therefore, the search for the contractual balance and more specifically the protection of the weaker party is constant. In this context, the right of restrictive practices, the right of individual economic practices, is often presented as a legal mechanism to address this concern in that it would aim to protect businesses in their bilateral relations. However, this statement is far from accurate. The analysis of the rules of the competitive law brings to question this view. In fact, the provisions in it have a purpose that transcends the interests of the parties to focus on the general economic interest. Legislature organize relations between enterprises to regulate macroeconomic problems and not regulate problems of each enterprise. The protection of the weaker party cannot be ensured by the law of restrictive practices but falls within other legal mechanisms.

Foreign aid as an economic policy was previously widely accepted as a way to assist least developed economies to achieve economic growth. Over the years, aid effectiveness has been questioned, whilst aid dependency has continued to rise. To assist in aid reduction, various economists have proposed aid exit strategies that countries could adopt to reduce aid dependency. However, the adoption of these strategies has been rather slow. The purpose of this study was to review and assess the current literature on the different proposed foreign aid exit strategies, in terms of their feasibility and ease of implementation, taking into account the current state of African economies. The analysis focused on the exit strategies recommended by Tandon (2008), Moyo (2009) and Fee (2012). The main finding of this study suggests that the aforementioned exit strategies are feasible, but not necessarily easy to implement, due to the limitations faced by many least developed countries. / Economics / M. Com. (Economics)

La Seconde Guerre mondiale avait complétement interrompu les échanges entre la France et le Pérou. En revanche, au cours des Trente Glorieuses, la France réussit à rétablir une position appréciable au sein de l’économie péruvienne. Grâce à une diplomatie économique active et un engagement diversifié des entreprises privées et publiques, la France devint un partenaire notable de la coopération technique. Ce pays joua un rôle important dans les programmes d’industrialisation et de modernisation du Pérou. Cette thèse s’interroge sur l’évolution et la structure des relations économiques franco-péruviennes entre 1945 et 1975. L’étude se penche sur les échanges commerciaux ainsi que sur les domaines des échanges financiers, de l’industrie et de la coopération technique, combinant des analyses macro et micro-économiques. Il s’agira d’analyser les stratégies et performances des entreprises françaises au sein des grands projets au Pérou en considérant les succès et les limites de leurs engagements. Ainsi, la thèse présente une étude nuancée à propos d’un sujet jamais étudié auparavant et cherche à contribuer d’une manière novatrice aux recherches sur l’histoire des relations entre l’Europe et les pays latino-américains ainsi que sur les rapports Nord-Sud. / The Second World War had completely severed the relations between France and Peru. Throughout the Golden Age of Capitalism, however, France managed to re-establish a considerable position within the Peruvian economy. Thanks to an active economic diplomacy and the various efforts of private and public companies, France became a notable partner in technical cooperation and played, henceforth, an important role in the Peruvian programmes of industrialisation and modernisation. This thesis deals with the evolution and structure of the economic relations between France and Peru from 1945 to 1975. Combining macro- and microeconomic methods, it equally investigates the bilateral trade relations as well as the domains of finance, industry and technical cooperation. The study analyses the strategies and performances of French companies in Peruvian large-scale projects considering their successes as well as their limits. In this way, the thesis presents a nuanced view on a subject, which has never been studied before. It contributes in an innovative way to the research on the relations between Europe and Latin America and between the Global North and South.

The target of this diploma work is to provide the view of up to now development and present condition of economy relations between EU and Brasil (consequently between Czech Republic and Brasil), to describe and sum up the status of these relations and to point out the agents complicating the given cooperation. From the point of view of content the work is sectionalized into 5 chapters. The first one characterizes the economy of Brasil, the basic economy markers trends and the Brasil's fortes and weaknesses. The following 2 chapters tackle the juridical ambit of billateral EU and Brasil co-operation, agreements to govern their relationship, the analysis of the goods and services barter, direct foreign investments and protective restrains complicating the business. The content of the chapter No. 4 is the mutual EU - Brasil relations decsription in regard of their acting in wider aggregations, specifically in WTO and Mercosure. The last chapter is focused on the mutual czech and brasilian trade relations characteristic.

The master thesis analyzes a development of Czech-Dutch relations from the first contacts in the Middle Ages till the present. The thesis is divided into chapters chronologically but the emphasis is placed on the 20th century also because of the number of sources. Bilateral relations of these two actors of the international relations are examined on the political, economic and cultural level. The master thesis is based first of all on the archival sources of the Ministry of Foreign Affaires of the Czech Republic and it is the first overview which is given on the mutual Czech-Dutch relations according to the three above mentioned levels.

Text in English with abstract in English, Northern Sotho and Xhosa / This study investigated the determinants of expansion strategies that are adopted by MNCs that invest in African emerging economies. Literature suggests that expansion strategies have received little research attention, especially in the African context. Previous studies suggest that MNCs initiate their internationalisation process through exportation, and then explore other resource-committed expansion strategies (FDIs) at a later stage. A number of theories have been used to explain the behaviour and decisions of MNCs in this regard. One of the prominent theories in this regard is Dunning‘s OLI paradigm that has been the most influential and widely used, but this study was premised on internationalisation theory. For the purposes of this study, two expansion strategies of MNCs were identified as greenfield foreign direct investment (FDI) and exports. The study sampled six top African emerging countries rated by the stock size and volume of FDI inflow they had attracted. The study utilised the cross-sectional time-series data for period spanning 1996 to 2016. The data were accessed from statistical records of African Development indicators (ADI), a statistical arm of the World Bank. This quantitative research employed econometrics estimation technique to achieve its objectives, namely OLS regression. The study relied on Durbin-Watson statistics contained in ordinary least squares (OLS) regression to attend to issues of autocorrelation. To establish long run relationship, Johansen‘s cointegration approach was employed. / Thutelo ye e nyakišitše ditšhupo tša maano a katološo ao a amogetšwego ke dikhamphani tše di dirago dinageng tše ntši (diMNC) tšeo di beeleditšego ka go diekonomi tše di golago tša Afrika. Dingwalo di šišinya gore maano a katološo a filwe šedi ye nnyane ya dinyakišišo, gagolo kemong ya Afrika. Dithutelo tše di šetšego di dirilwe di šišinya gore diMNC di thome tshepedišo ya go oketša tiro ya feme boemong bja boditšhabatšhaba ka mokgwa wa kišontle, gomme ka morago di hlohlomiše maano a mangwe a katološo a boikemišetšo go fa ditlakelo le thušo tše di nyakegago go fihlelela dinepo tše di filwego tša feme nakong ye e tlo latelago. Diteori tše mmalwa di dirišitšwe go hlaloša mokgwa wa go dira le diphetho tša diMNC malebana le se. Ye nngwe ya diteori tše bohlokwa malebana le se, gape yeo e bego e le ye e nago le khuetšo ye kgolo gape e dirišitšwego ka bophara, ke dikgopolo ka ga ka moo dilo di šomago tša OLI go ya ka Dunning, eupša thutelo ye e begilwego bjalo ka matseno go teori ya kgodišo ya difeme gore di dire dinageng tše dingwe. Ka lebaka la morero wa thutelo ye, maano a katološo a mabedi a diMNC a šupilwe bjalo ka peeletšo thwi ge motho a hloma khamphani nageng e šele (FDI) le kišontle. Thutelo e tšeere dinaga tše tshela tša boemo bja godimo tšeo di golago tšeo di lekantšwego ka bogolo bja thoto le bolumo ya ditseno tša FDI tšeo di di tlišitšego. Thutelo ye e dirišitše tshedimošo yeo e hweditšwego ka go lemoga dinomoro tšeo di kgobokeditšwego dinakong tše di fapanego dinakong ka sebaka sa nako seo se lekanago pakeng ya nako ya 1996 go iša go 2016. Tshedimošo e hweditšwe go tšwa direkhotong tša Dipalopalo tša African Development Indicators (ADI), lekala la Dipalopalo la Panka ya Lefase. Nyakišišo ka go kgoboketša le go sekaseka datha yeo e hweditšwego methopong ye e fapanego e dirišitše dithekniki tša dipalopalo go kwešiša ditaba tša ekonomi le diteori tša teko go fihlelela maikemišetšo a yona, e lego tswalano go OLS. Thutelo e theilwe go Dipalopalo tša Durbin-Watson tšeo di lego ka tekanyo ya tswalano ka go fokotša palo ya go fapana ga disekwere gare ga dipalo tše di lemogilwego le tšeo di akantšwego go lebelela ditlhagišo tša nyalanyo Go hlola ditswalanyo tša nako ye telele, mokgwatebelelo wa Johansen wa tatelano ya dikhutlo tša datha ya dinomoro ka go latelana ga tšona o dirišitšwe / Esi sifundo siphande izinto ezilawula amacebo okwandisa enziwa ngamaqumrhu amazwe ngamazwe (MNCs) natyala imali kumazwe aseAfrika anoqoqosho oluntshulayo. Uluncwadi olukhoyo luthi amacebo okwandisa awanikwa ngqwalasela yaneleyo kuphando, ngakumbi kwiimeko zaseAfrika. Izifundo ezidluleyo ziveze ukuba iiMNCs ziyiqala ngokuthumela iimveliso zazo inkqubo yokufaka la mazwe kushishino lwamazwe ngamazwe. Emva koko zizama ukuncedisa ngezixhobo nemithombo yokusebenza njengecebo lokwandisa. Ziliqela iingcingane ezisetyenzisiweyo xa kuchazwa indlela yokwenza nezigqibo zeeMNCs ngalo mbandela. Enye yeengcingane eziphambili nesetyenziswe kakhulu kulo mba yekaDunning, neyaziwa ngokuba yiOLI paradigm, nangona esakhe isifundo sasisekele kwingcingane yokudibanisa amazwe ngamazwe. Kwesi sifundo kuchongwe amacebo okwandisa amabini asetyenziswe ziiMNCs. La macebo kukutyala ngqo imali nemithombo (greenfield foreign direct investment - FDI) nokuthumela iimveliso zazo kuloo mazwe. Esi sifundo sikhethe amazwe aseAfrika amathandathu naphambili xa kubalwa izinto anazo la mazwe, nomyinge wemali nezixhobo ezifakiweyo. Isifundo sisebenzise iinkcukacha ezingamaqela amanani anqumlezanayo (cross-sectional time-series data) kwixesha elisukela kunyaka we-1996 ukuya kowama-2016. Ezi nkcukacha zafunyanwa kwiingxelo ezigciniweyo zeZalathisi Zophuhliso LwaseAfrika (African Development Indicators - ADI), kwicandelo lezobalo kwiBhanki Yehlabathi. Olu phando lusekelwe kumanani, lusebenzise indlela yokusebenza ngokuqikelela nekuthiwa yieconometrics estimation technique ukuze siphumeze iinjongo zaso zobalo olwaziwa ngokuba yiOLS regression. Esi sifundo saxhomekeka kwizibalo zikaDurbin-Watson ezifumaneka kubalo lweordinary least squares (OLS) regression ukuze lujongane nemiba yokuzilungisa. Ukuze simisele ulwalamano oluqhuba ixesha elide, kwasetyenziswa indlela yokuhlanganisa iinkcukacha zikaJohansen. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)