Between 1921 to 1941, Canada and Japan were close trading partners. The end of World War II provided the two countries with the opportunity to resume their former economic relationship. However, Japan was a defeated country, lacking in resources and credit, and subject to the Occupation led by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers. In contrast, Canada was left with a strong economy and political independence. In 1945, Canada was invited to participate in the Far Eastern Advisory Commission that later became the Far Eastern Commission in 1946. In August 1946, Canada established a Liaison Mission at its former Legation in Tokyo. Using archival material, this study explores how trade was conducted between 1945-1951 and explains how Canada and Japan redeveloped their economic relationship during the challenging years of Occupied Japan.

Between 1921 to 1941, Canada and Japan were close trading partners. The end of World War II provided the two countries with the opportunity to resume their former economic relationship. However, Japan was a defeated country, lacking in resources and credit, and subject to the Occupation led by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers. In contrast, Canada was left with a strong economy and political independence. In 1945, Canada was invited to participate in the Far Eastern Advisory Commission that later became the Far Eastern Commission in 1946. In August 1946, Canada established a Liaison Mission at its former Legation in Tokyo. Using archival material, this study explores how trade was conducted between 1945-1951 and explains how Canada and Japan redeveloped their economic relationship during the challenging years of Occupied Japan.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 467-490). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99208

Thesis (DTech (Marketing))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013. / During the past few decades, nation branding has emerged as one of the key strategies for national economic development. Many nations across the world, both developed and developing, have embraced the concept as they compete against each other for export markets, foreign direct investment, tourists, scarce human resources and international leverage and influence. Nation branding has now become one of the critical drivers for country differentiation and the creation of sustainable competitive advantages for nations. This thesis explores the concept of nation branding and investigates its applicability to Zimbabwe, a country which has been riddled with various socio-economic and political challenges during the past two decades. The main purpose of the thesis was to develop a model that can be used to re-brand Zimbabwe. This research study adopted a mixed-methods approach through the amalgamation of both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. A survey questionnaire was administered to respondents who included Zimbabweans as well as people who are not Zimbabwean citizens. The qualitative phase of the research study consisted of depth interviews with various branding practitioners, managers in both the private and public sectors and academics inside and outside of Zimbabwe. Four summarised case studies were also carried out in order to draw lessons from cases of successful and unsuccessful nation branding programmes in different parts of the world. According to the research findings, Zimbabwe has a negative image on the global map. The country needs to be re-branded and the majority of Zimbabweans are willing to be part of this process. However, for the re-branding initiative to be successful there should be a comprehensive transformation of the country's socio-political, economic and legal systems in order to create an enabling environment that is conducive for the effective application of nation branding strategies. The findings further reinforce the notion that re-branding should be part of a broader national economic development strategy for the country. The thesis concludes with the propagation of two models viz, the transformative process model for the re-branding of Zimbabwe and the re-branding as a transformative learning process model.

O estudo se propõe a investigar as particularidades e especificidades dos mecanismos de governança global dos influxos investimentos diretos externos (IDE). Se, por um lado, não existe atualmente (à exemplo do comércio internacional) uma grande organização multilateral que garanta a governança dos influxos na relação entre os países (e, especialmente, entre entes estatais e particulares); por outro, prevalece a bilateralidade como esfera máxima da supranacionalidade para a regulação dos IDEs. Como especificidade dos IDEs, é característica a instalação do capital produtivo estrangeiro em um território nacional e a consequente sujeição à soberania de um ente estatal. Assim, configura-se, então, um modelo de governança sui generis em que coexistem uma governança com governo (no plano nacional) e uma governança sem governo (no plano supranacional). A principal hipótese de pesquisa é que as instituições nacionais e instituições supranacionais conjugam-se em uma relação de complementariedade e interação para configurar a estrutura da governança global dos influxos de IDEs. Para os testes empíricos, são estimados modelos interativos através de métodos econométricos longitudinais. Ao fim, conclui-se, com base em evidências robustas, que esse parece ser o mecanismo que configura essa peculiar forma de governança. / This research aims to investigate particularities and specificities of the global governance of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. If, on the one hand, a large multilateral organization, does not currently exist for FDIs (such as the existence of the WTO for international trade); on the other hand, bilateralism prevails as the ultimate sphere of supranationality for the regulation of FDIs in the international arena. As a particularity of FDIs, foreign productive capital typically crosses over into a national territory and thus foreign investors must undergo the sovereign power of such state entity and abide by its decisions. Therefore, a sui generis model of global governance emerges in which there coexists a governance with government (at the national level) and a governance without government (at the supranational level). The main research hypothesis is that national and supranational institutions conjugate themselves in an intricate relationship of complementarity and interaction in order to configure such global governance structure of FDI inflows. For the empirical tests, interactive models are estimated through longitudinal econometric methods. Finally, based upon robust evidence, it is concluded that this seems to be the mechanism that engenders this peculiar form of governance.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T11:52:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-08-06Bitstream added on 2015-03-03T12:07:30Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000809735.pdf: 1966427 bytes, checksum: 3e3618a72925c4cedf14df6dbc782bd4 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A inserção da China na economia global e a sua demanda crescente por commodities despertam preocupação quanto ao potencial de impactos ambientais do comércio com este país, em especial, para os países da América Latina, que são grandes exportadores de commodities baseadas em recursos naturais. Desde o início da década de 90, e de forma mais significativa a partir de 2000, Argentina, Brasil, Chile e Peru têm aprofundado suas relações comerciais com a China e apresentado superávit nesse comércio bilateral. Esta dissertação analisa o perfil ambiental do padrão de comércio exterior destes países latino-americanos com a China no período de 2000 a 2011. Para tanto, os efeitos ambientais do comércio foram decompostos em escala, composição (setorial) e tecnologia, como definidos por Grossman e Krueger (1991). As evidências empíricas indicam um reforço da especialização exportadora em setores intensivos em recursos naturais e com alto impacto ambiental, em contraposição aos ganhos econômicos do efeito China na década de 2000. Desse modo, o padrão de comércio bilateral revela-se potencialmente insustentável no longo prazo, principalmente no que tange à escala de exploração dos recursos naturais. Este resultado corrobora estudos empíricos anteriores que apontaram a vulnerabilidade ambiental deste padrão de comércio, tanto em termos ambientais quanto tecnológico. Isto implica que, mantida essa mesma dinâmica de estrutura comercial e os arranjos institucionais que lhes dão suporte, a região distancia-se de um modelo de desenvolvimento sustentável / The insertion of China in the global economy and its increasing demand for commodities arise concern about the potential environmental impacts of trade with that country, particularly for Latin American countries, which are big exporters of commodities based on natural resources. Since the early 1990s, and more significantly since 2000, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru have deepened their trade relations with China, presenting bilateral trade surplus with that country. This dissertation analyzes the environmental profile of the pattern of foreign trade of these Latin American countries with China during the period from 2000 to 2011. To this end, the environmental effects of trade were decomposed into scale, composition (sector) and technology, as defined by Grossman and Krueger (1991). Empirical evidence indicates a strengthening of export specialization in natural resource intensive sectors with high environmental impact, in contrast to the economic gains of the “China effect” in the 2000s. Thus, bilateral trade pattern proves to be potentially unsustainable in the long term, especially in regard to the scale of exploitation of natural resources. This result confirms previous empirical studies that identified the environmental vulnerability of this trade pattern, both in environmental and technological terms. This implies that, maintained the same dynamic trade structure and the institutional arrangements which give them support, the region is away from a model of sustainable development

Orientadora: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano / Banca: Luís Alexandre Fuccille / Banca: Roberto Goulart Menezes / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: O objeto deste trabalho são as negociações do Acordo de Associação Inter-regional Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul) - União Europeia (UE), tendo como escopo de análise o período entre 1995 e 2016. O foco da análise está no posicionamento dos governos de Argentina e Brasil, assumindo que os dois países são o eixo fundamental para o avanço da integração do Mercosul. Ao longo dos anos de negociações é perceptível a mudança de ímpetos para a negociação dos dois países, com momentos de maior e menor convergência entre seus posicionamentos em relação à proposta europeia. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os interesses defendidos pelos governos argentinos e brasileiros, a partir da compreensão do papel dos grupos de interesses domésticos agrícolas e industriais e sua influência nas negociações, sob ponto de vista político. Demonstra-se que os interesses de negociação de Argentina e Brasil se modificaram ao longo das tratativas tal como dos grupos domésticos estudados. Advoga-se que os posicionamentos dos países refletiriam as preferências nacionais, formadas a partir de pressões de grupos agrícolas e industriais de cada país. / Abstract: The object of this dissertation is the negotiations of the Interregional Association Agreement between the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) and the European Union (EU), analyzing the period between 1995 and 2016. The focus of the analysis is the position of the governments of Argentina and Brazil, assuming that both countries are fundamentals axis for the progress of Mercosur integration. Throughout the years of negotiations the change of impetus for the negotiation of the two countries is perceptible, with moments of greater and lesser convergence between their positions in relation to the European proposal. The objective of this paper is to analyze the interests defended by the Argentine and Brazilian governments, from the understanding of the role of the agricultural and industrial groups and their influence in the negotiations, from a political point of view. It is shown that the negotiating interests of Argentina and Brazil have changed during the negotiations as well as the domestic groups studied. It is argued that the positions of the countries would reflect the national preferences, formed from the pressures of agricultural and industrial groups in each country. / Resumen: El objetivo del trabajo son las negociaciones del Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) - Unión Europea (UE), teniendo como objetivo de análisis el período entre 1995 y 2016. El foco del análisis está en el posicionamiento de los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil, asumiendo que los dos países son el eje fundamental para el avance de la integración del Mercosur. A lo largo de los años de negociaciones es perceptible el cambio de ímpetu para la negociación de los dos países, con momentos de mayor y menor convergencia entre sus posicionamientos en relación a la propuesta europea. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los intereses defendidos por los gobiernos argentinos y brasileños a partir de la comprensión del papel de los grupos de intereses domésticos agrícolas e industriales y su influencia en las negociaciones desde el punto de vista político. Se demuestra que los intereses de negociación de Argentina y Brasil se modificaron a lo largo de las tratativas tal como de los grupos domésticos estudiados. Se defiende que los posicionamientos de los países reflejen las preferencias nacionales, formadas a partir de presiones de grupos agrícolas e industriales de cada país. / Mestre

Globalisation and financial liberalisation has increased the linkages across countries in recent times. The existence of money market links has important implications for both domestic monetary policy and for investment decisions. This study examines the linkages between South Africa’s money market and selected major international money markets. The objectives of the study are firstly to examine the links between the repo rate of South Africa and the central bank rates of the EU, Japan, UK and US. Secondly, is to compare the influence of domestic and foreign monetary policy decisions on South Africa’s money market. The third objective is to examine the long run relationship between the South African money market and the money markets of its major trading partners. Three estimation techniques are used to examine the different links. Principal components analysis, four tests of cointegration, and stationarity tests of the spreads/risk premium between South Africa’s interest rates and the interest rates of the other countries. All three techniques show that there is no long-run link between South Africa’s central bank rates and the central bank rates of the other countries. This shows that the repo rate does not depend on movements in other central bank rates. Domestic money market interest rates respond strongly to changes in the repo rate whilst showing no dependence on central bank rates of the other countries. This confirms the autonomy of the South African Reserve Bank in carrying out policy objectives. When the risk premium is accounted for under the third technique, evidence of integration is found. This indicates that the risk premium plays a crucial part in the level of integration between South Africa and the countries included in the study.

Orientador: Luciana Togeiro de Almeida / Banca: Stela Luíza Ansanellli / Banca: Silvia Miranda Galvão / Resumo: A inserção da China na economia global e a sua demanda crescente por commodities despertam preocupação quanto ao potencial de impactos ambientais do comércio com este país, em especial, para os países da América Latina, que são grandes exportadores de commodities baseadas em recursos naturais. Desde o início da década de 90, e de forma mais significativa a partir de 2000, Argentina, Brasil, Chile e Peru têm aprofundado suas relações comerciais com a China e apresentado superávit nesse comércio bilateral. Esta dissertação analisa o perfil ambiental do padrão de comércio exterior destes países latino-americanos com a China no período de 2000 a 2011. Para tanto, os efeitos ambientais do comércio foram decompostos em escala, composição (setorial) e tecnologia, como definidos por Grossman e Krueger (1991). As evidências empíricas indicam um reforço da especialização exportadora em setores intensivos em recursos naturais e com alto impacto ambiental, em contraposição aos ganhos econômicos do "efeito China" na década de 2000. Desse modo, o padrão de comércio bilateral revela-se potencialmente insustentável no longo prazo, principalmente no que tange à escala de exploração dos recursos naturais. Este resultado corrobora estudos empíricos anteriores que apontaram a vulnerabilidade ambiental deste padrão de comércio, tanto em termos ambientais quanto tecnológico. Isto implica que, mantida essa mesma dinâmica de estrutura comercial e os arranjos institucionais que lhes dão suporte, a região distancia-se de um modelo de desenvolvimento sustentável / Abstract: The insertion of China in the global economy and its increasing demand for commodities arise concern about the potential environmental impacts of trade with that country, particularly for Latin American countries, which are big exporters of commodities based on natural resources. Since the early 1990s, and more significantly since 2000, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru have deepened their trade relations with China, presenting bilateral trade surplus with that country. This dissertation analyzes the environmental profile of the pattern of foreign trade of these Latin American countries with China during the period from 2000 to 2011. To this end, the environmental effects of trade were decomposed into scale, composition (sector) and technology, as defined by Grossman and Krueger (1991). Empirical evidence indicates a strengthening of export specialization in natural resource intensive sectors with high environmental impact, in contrast to the economic gains of the "China effect" in the 2000s. Thus, bilateral trade pattern proves to be potentially unsustainable in the long term, especially in regard to the scale of exploitation of natural resources. This result confirms previous empirical studies that identified the environmental vulnerability of this trade pattern, both in environmental and technological terms. This implies that, maintained the same dynamic trade structure and the institutional arrangements which give them support, the region is away from a model of sustainable development / Mestre

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T10:47:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Novelli_JoseMarcosNayme_D.pdf: 3775501 bytes, checksum: 3f883d3bcb41fce222509268d01bae62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Este trabalho aborda os fatores políticos e sociais presentes tanto nos processos inflacionários, quanto nos desinflacionários. Para tanto, partiu das experiências históricas, especialmente da hiperinflação alemã dos anos 1920, para elaborar um marco analítico que contemplasse aqueles elementos e que, assim, pudesse analisar esses fenômenos em alguns países (Argentina, México, Coréia, Índia e Turquia), mas principalmente no Brasil. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa identificou que, independentemente das causas da inflação, a manutenção de taxas altas de inflação requer a existência de uma coalizão composta pelas principais classes sociais. A dinâmica da coalizão inflacionária é dada pelo conflito de classes e é sustentada por mecanismos institucionais criados pelo Estado. Para o desmonte da coalizão inflacionária foi preciso a constituição de uma outra coalizão, bem como o concurso do Estado. Nos casos analisados, detectou-se que a nova coalizão não era apenas desinflacionária, mas também reformista. O Estado, através de diferentes instrumentos, destruiu aqueles mecanismos anteriormente utilizados. Além disso, uma nova ordem econômica internacional foi fundamental para que a estabilidade de preços passasse a vigorar nos países que conviveram com taxas relativamente altas de inflação / Abstract: This thesis deals with the social and political factors present in inflation and disinflation. The research begins with the historical experiences, mainly the German hyperinflation of the 1920s, in order to elaborate an analytical framework containing these elements to make it possible to analyze these phenomena experienced in other countries (Argentina, Mexico, Korea, India and Turkey), but mainly in Brazil. This thesis is not direct at identifying the causes of the inflation, but merely the maintenance of high inflation rates. For this reason it was necessary to build a coalition composed by the main social classes. The dynamics of the inflationary coalition was developed by the class struggle and sustained by institutional mechanisms created by the State. In order to dismantle the inflationary coalition, another coalition constituted, the reformist-disinflationary coalition, which was supported by the State. The State, through different instruments, destroyed the mechanisms previously utilized. A new international economic order was fundamental for sustaining the stability of prices in the countries that had experienced relatively high rates of inflation / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política