Em décadas recentes, a cada novo pleito eleitoral, seja nas eleições majoritárias ou proporcionais, os fiéis das igrejas evangélicas passaram a ser peças chaves das disputas eleitorais, em virtude do declínio contínuo do número de católicos e da correlacionada difusão das igrejas evangélicas, nomeadamente as pentecostais e neopentecostais. O presente estudo analisa a participação da religião evangélica no processo eleitoral brasileiro, especialmente nas eleições presidenciais de 2010 e 2014, a fim de perquirir quais os limites ético-jurídicos da influência desse vertente religiosa no processo eleitoral brasileiro. Os limites éticos foram avaliados com base na ética protestante, e os jurídicos, à luz da legislação eleitoral brasileira, discutindo sobre a possibilidade da participação da religião evangélica nas campanhas eleitorais, como mecanismo de exercício de poder e/ou de convencimento com esteio em valores morais religiosos. / In recent decades, in each new election campaign, be they by majority or proportional, the faithful of the Evangelical churches have become key elements in the election disputes, due to the continuous decline in the number of Catholics and the correlated diffusion of Evangelical churches, namely the Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal churches. This study analyzes the participation of the Evangelical religion in the Brazilian electoral process, especially in the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, so as to discover what the ethical-legal limits of the influence of this religious dimension in the Brazilian electoral process are. The ethical limits were evaluated based on the Protestant ethics, and the legal limits based on the Brazilian electoral legislation, discussing about the possibility of the participation of the Evangelical religion in the electoral campaigns being a mechanism of exercising power and/or persuasion with the pillar being religious moral values.

"Election management bodies (EMBs) have thus been established throughout the world with the responsibility of administering elctions. However, merely creating a body to administer elections does not create public conficence and integrity in the electoral process. The establishment and operation of such a body must meet the key requirements of credible election administration. One such requirement is the need for the EMB to be independent of any party. The independence of the EMB is said, by and large, to attract the confidence of all the stakeholders in the electoral process and create integrity in the process. ... However, as one scholar has observed, the lack of autonomy of EMBs from the government in some African countries is one of the major challenges to the credibility of the electoral process on the continent. It is important to note at this point that the independence of EMBs, though not in itself a guarantee of free and fair elections, determines to a large extent the overall legitimacy and acceptability of an elected government by the electorate. Flowing from this discourse is the need for the independence of EMBs in Africa, both in theory and practice, in order to enhance democracy on the continent. ... Kenya and South Africa have established EMBs to manage elections in accordance with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Organisation for African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU) Declaration of 2002. The Kenyan EMB has been in existence since 1991. Recently, the issue of its indpendence has become a central focus in a raging national debate on minimum constitutional reforms in Kenya. Similarly, the independence of the South African EMB, though believed to be sufficiently safeguarded, has also come to be questioned. These institutions play a crucial role in the democratisation processes in both countries, and one of the ways of achieving this goal, is by ensuring their independence from the political process. This study proposes to examine the independenct of the two EMBs and proposes ways of strengthening them with a view to enhancing the work of democracy in both countries. ... Chapter one introduces the study and the problem statement that has prompted the study. Chapter two analyses the concept of independence of EMBs. It also discusses the justification for their independence. A comparative analysis of the independence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa is the subject of chapter three. Chapter four proposes to discuss the ways of further strengthening the indpendence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa. The fifth and final chapter proffers conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Kingsley Kofi Kuntunkrunku Ampofo at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The master thesis presents the role of election observation with emphasis on OSCE/ODIHR election observation missions with a special focus on the OSCE/ODIHR election observation mission at municipal elections in October 2017 in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, where the author participated as a long-term observer. It deals with the purpose and functioning of election observation missions, international electoral standards establishing political and civil rights, on the basis of which democratic elections should be held. Furthermore, the challenges the missions are currently facing and the role of the Czech Republic in the system of election observation. The case study presents OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission, summarizes the type of information needed to observe electoral aspects in the long term and evaluates election days with the outcomes of the election observation mission.

"The primary concern of this work is to present a clearer picture of the Reconstruction period in Texas, particularly as it relates to the black. Little consideration is given to those blacks elected to public office; rather concern is placed on those outside the then 'Establishment.' To view the black in terms of those elected to public office only presents a distorted picture and negates the influence blacks had on electoral politics. In the main, evidence presented by most historians writing on this period has tended to ignore a major factor which has influenced Texas politics, namely violence. Those who acknowledge the presence of this violence tended to 'understand' the southern white and thus justify the use of this violence. The influence of violence is massive and some attempt must be made to understand the actual way in which it was directed. Here it is only established that violence was racial with some political overtones. There is no doubt that further research will prove very valuable in understanding this period."-- leaf 1.

This study investigated the perceptions of election stakeholders with regard to the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The involvement of civil society organizations, electoral experts and academia, including party agents as domestic observers and stakeholders in Congolese electoral processes, is crucial as they help electoral and participatory democracy to take root in the DRC. This study was underpinned by political trust, political support and neopatrimonial theories. Furthermore, a mixed methods research design was used in order to understand the perceptions of stakeholders on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC. The findings of the study showed that stakeholders‟ perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC were driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in the INEC and other institutions involved in the electoral processes. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

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