This is an in-depth analysis of coal fire burning power plants, their effects on human health and the environment. It also employed case study data from Tampa Electric Company’s Big Bend facility to examine environmental infractions at that facility. Tampa Electric Company’s Big Bend Utility Plant, violated the Clean Air Act, which led to a lawsuit filed by the Department of Justice on behalf of the United States Environmental Protection Agency and the Florida Department of Environmental Protection in 1997. This case study details the lawsuit, and subsequent settlement as well as Tampa Electric Company’s record of compliance since 2000. This study examines the area surrounding the plant, and impacts the facility may cause local residents and the ecosystem in this part of Florida. Several questions are explored in this case study revolving around environmental justice and environmental racism. Did the actions taken by the Department of Justice in 2000 on behalf of the Environmental Protection Agency and the people of the State of Florida through its Department of Environmental Protection fit the corporate crimes that Tampa Electric were accused of in the lawsuit? Has this company been compliant with state and federal law as required by the settlement? Finally, has the Tampa Electric Company maintained their commitment to provide environmental justice for the communities surrounding the Big Bend Utility Plant or would their actions fit a definition for the crime of corporate environmental violence?

This thesis explores the ways in which the environmental justice movement, which is in opposition to environmental racism, and the Black Lives Matter movement, which is in opposition to police brutality and other forms of racism, are part of the same struggle: a struggle against the neoliberal violence of the state. This struggle against neoliberal violence is at the same time a struggle for communities of color to achieve self-determination on a global scale, a monumental task which might be informed through a revolutionary intercommunalist framework of global grassroots solidarity. State oppression embodies violence in more forms that one, including co-optation—which entails the assimilation of people into a political framework that answers to the gatekeepers of transnational capital. This work includes input from environmental justice activists from Los Angeles County in its exploration of local grassroots struggles.

Until the 1970s, small black fishing communities primarily populated Bahia’s north coast. A recent demand for luxury coastal real estate has radically altered the region’s social and environmental landscape. While Bahia’s population is roughly 80% poor and black, the coast is now a space of exclusivity and whiteness. Sewage infrastructure does not meet the needs of the growing population. Domestic sewage flows directly into urban rivers. Poor black fishers, whose food security and livelihoods depend on access to healthy water resources, suffer most in this context. This dissertation explores two interlinking forms of environmental racism – water pollution and racial profiling – that fishers in Praia de Buraquinho, Bahia, Brazil, experience daily. Based on fourteen months of ethnographic research, this project follows the lives of 75 fishers enmeshed in a struggle for environmental and racial justice. I uncover how coastal development has polluted the community's primary river fishery while private gated communities physically restrict fishers' access and subject them to racial profiling practices by private security guards. Ultimately, I argue that regional coastal development in Bahia represents a new model of capital accumulation through what I call “racialized environmental dispossession” that, as one Praia de Buraquinho fishers suggests, is "like watching a brother die."

This essay seeks to understand the possible reasons behind the high rates of non-white ethnic minorities, such as the Somali-Swedish community among hospitalized Covid-19 patients in Sweden. It interrogates the possibility of a White middle-class bias in the Swedish government and the National Pandemic Group’s management of the covid-19 crisis. I analyze data from daily press conferences held by the National Pandemic Group and public statements from government and national pandemic group representatives regarding updates in the management of the covid-19 crisis. In analyzing these statements, focus has been on assessing the risk analysis and citizen recommendations presented to the public by the national pandemic group. Results show that the specific vulnerabilities of ethnic minorities and the socio-economic inequalities between majority White Swedes and ethnic minorities has not been taken under much consideration by the Swedish government or the national pandemic group, which can be interpreted as resulting from a white middle class bias. The conclusions of this essay show that this may have contributed to the high rates of Swedish-Somalis and other ethnic groups such as the Iraqi-Swedes and Turkish-Swedes among hospitalized Covid-19 patients. This might have been prevented, had the Swedish government acknowledged and acted upon the socio-economic inequalities between different social groups.

[pt] Enquanto os impactos das ações humanas no planeta e das alterações climáticas repercutem cada vez mais presentes em nosso cotidiano, é possível perceber desigualdades na distribuição dos efeitos e danos causados por essa relação não amigável entre o ser humano e a natureza, com certos segmentos mais vulneráveis que arcam com a carga mais pesada de seus ônus e prejuízos. Isso não é ocasional, se conectando, muitas vezes, com questões e mazelas já estruturadas nas dinâmicas da sociedade e se sobrepondo às heranças de marginalizações e violências, de modo a perpetuar ineficiências e realimentar injustiças para seus grupos e territórios afetados. O enfoque especial dado aqui, dessa forma, é sobre a interseção entre o debate do racismo e da justiça ambiental, realizado pela ótica conceitual do racismo ambiental, que dialoga também com as discussões relativas à justiça climática e noções como a biopolítica foucaultiana e a necropolítica mbembiana. Pela relevância de sua discussão e por ocorrer casos nas esferas global e local, o texto procura estabelecer relações da temática com a influente Agenda do Desenvolvimento Sustentável, a Agenda 2030, organizada pela ONU, traçando e identificando potencialidades e limitações para a última em promover não só seus cobiçados objetivos, mas também sua capacidade de conectar e resultar em esforços para a mitigação do racismo ambiental. Como recorte de espaço de análise, o texto levanta alguns casos presentes no município do Rio de Janeiro de racismo ambiental e como os itens da Agenda, as chamadas ODS, se aplicam. / [en] While the impacts of human actions on the planet and climate change are increasingly present in our daily lives, it is possible to perceive inequalities in the distribution of the effects and damages caused by this unfriendly relationship between human beings and nature, with certain segments being more vulnerable and bearing the heaviest burden and losses. This is not occasional, often connecting with issues and ills already structured in the dynamics of society and overlapping with the legacy of marginalization and violence, in a way that perpetuate inefficiencies and feedback into injustices to their affected groups and territories. The specific focus given here is in the intersection between the debate on racism and environmental justice, carried out from the conceptual perspective of environmental racism, which also dialogues with discussions related to climate justice and notions such as the Foucaultian biopolitic and the Mbembian necropolitic. Due to the relevance of its debate and the occurrence of cases in the global and local spheres, the text seeks to establish relations between the theme and the influential Agenda for Sustainable Development, the 2030 Agenda, organized by the UN, tracing and identifying capabilities and limitations for the latter in not only promoting its coveted goals, but also its ability to connect and result in efforts to mitigate environmental racism. As a target for analysis, the text investigates some cases present in the city of Rio de Janeiro of environmental racism and how the Agenda items, the so-called SDGs, apply.

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2018-09-01T14:31:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Leandro da Silva Nascimento.pdf: 10559995 bytes, checksum: 8bb0e7854509f4343c5110b589caa02c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-01T14:31:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Leandro da Silva Nascimento.pdf: 10559995 bytes, checksum: 8bb0e7854509f4343c5110b589caa02c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-06 / Morar em áreas consideradas desconformes ou de ocupação mista tem sido fato cada vez mais frequente nos grandes centros urbanos. A especulação imobiliária expulsa a população de mais baixa renda, criando áreas de exclusão social, cujo deslocamento não é acompanhado de infraestrutura de saneamento básico, saúde e educação. A Zona Noroeste de Santos é o típico exemplo dessa situação. Residências cercadas por indústrias químicas convivem com pouca atenção das autoridades municipais. Viver essa realidade pode impactar negativamente na saúde de seus moradores. Este estudo tem por objetivo comparar as taxas de internação hospitalar no Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) entre comunidades com diferentes perfis de ocupação de solo e condições socioeconômicas, em Santos e Mongaguá, entre 2010 e 2014. Este estudo ecológico analisou dados de internação hospitalar de residentes na Zona Noroeste e na Zona Leste de Santos e na cidade de Mongaguá. Taxas de internação anuais, mensais e para todo o período foram construídas para toda a população de cada área e para grupos etários (crianças e adolescente ¿ até 19 anos; adultos ¿ entre 20 e 59 anos; e idosos ¿ 60 anos ou mais). Diferenças nas taxas entre as áreas, faixas etárias e sexo foram estimadas utilizando-se o teste U de Mann-Whitney e o teste de Kruskal-Wallis. O nível de significância adotado foi de 5%. Para os seis grupos de doenças analisados nas três áreas, as taxas observadas para moradores da Zona Noroeste superou as das outras duas, exceto para as internações por doenças hematológicas e imunológicas (p = 0,000). Na análise por faixa etária, as crianças da Zona Noroeste foram mais acometidas que as das outras duas áreas. As taxas de internação para os idosos de Mongaguá foram as mais baixas entre as áreas analisadas, enquanto as taxas da Zona Noroeste foram as maiores em relação a todas as doenças analisadas. De um modo geral, homens foram mais susceptíveis que mulheres. / Living around unplanned areas has been a really current trend, specially in urban areas. Royal state speculation tends to keep away low-income population, forming social segregation areas in where there is not appropriate infraestructure, health and quality education. Located in Santos City, Zona Noroeste Area is a typical portrait of it. Surrounded by chemical industries, local people do not count on authorities support or even city fiscalization. Such a reality might interfere on someone¿s health. This is the research¿s aim in order to compare SUS hospitalizations¿ level among distinct communities income and profiles in Santos and Mongagua Cities between 2010 and 2014. This ecological project has analyzed data hospitalization among Zonas Noroeste and Leste from Santos and Mongagua City. Annual, monthly and seasonal data were built to the whole population from its areas as well as for people from diferente ages (children and teenagers ¿ until 19 y.o.; adults ¿ from 20 to 59 y.o.; and elders ¿ 60 years old up). Different rates on different areas, ages or genres were estimated using Mann-Whitney and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Adopted relevance level was 5%. Considering the six diseases groups observed on the three areas, the results about Zona Noroeste surpassed the others, except for hospitalizations caused by hematological or immunidity factors (p = 0,000). Regarding to ages analysis, kids from Zona Noroeste have been more affected than children from the other parts. Mongagua elders hospitalization rates were the lowest while Zona Noroeste levels have shown to be the highest. As a matter of fact, men seemed to be more susceptible than women.

A Zona Costeira cearense representa territÃrios que sÃo espaÃos de resistÃncia de vÃrios grupos sociais tradicionais e Ãtnicorraciais. A Comunidade do Cumbe/Aracati no litoral leste do CearÃ/Brasil, nÃo foge à regra, pois se encontra na mesma situaÃÃo de âinvisibilidadeâ e sobre a ameaÃa de perder seu territÃrio para grandes projetos de desenvolvimento econÃmico, como a criaÃÃo de camarÃo em cativeiro â carcinicultura e os parques de energia eÃlica, que destroem e privatizam suas relaÃÃes de vida e pertencimento ao territÃrio comunitÃrio. A metodologia escolhida para realizaÃÃo deste trabalho foi qualitativa, onde se tem na pesquisa participante, na histÃria oral, seu principal instrumento de pesquisa, os relatos orais das mulheres pescadoras do mangue. TambÃm se abordam questÃes como conflitos socioambientais, relaÃÃes raciais e de gÃnero. Os elementos e circunstÃncias que se pesquisou foram socializados com as lideranÃas comunitÃrias â as mulheres pescadoras do mangue que estÃo à frente dos processos de lutas pela defesa do territÃrio tradicional. Desta forma, reafirmar-se a presenÃa negra no litoral leste, zona costeira do CearÃ, tendo como referÃncia as memÃrias coletivas das mulheres pescadoras, analisando as mudanÃas e os impactos que ocorreram com a chegada dos projetos de desenvolvimento econÃmico e os conflitos socioambientais resultantes como elementos importantes, para denunciar o racismo ambiental. Esta pesquisa foi realizada junto ao Programa de PÃs-GraduaÃÃo em EducaÃÃo da Universidade Federal do Cearà e, pretende trabalhar e discutir o conceito, ainda em construÃÃo no Brasil, de Racismo Ambiental e suas nuances, sendo parte de um conjunto de pesquisas que o Eixo SociopoÃtica, Cultura e RelaÃÃes Ãtnicorraciais, da linha Movimentos Sociais, EducaÃÃo Popular e Escola, vem desenvolvendo para discutir conceitos e temÃticas atuais. / The Coastal Zone is cearense territories are spaces of resistance of various traditional and Ãtnicorraciais social groups. The Cumbria Community / Aracaty the east coast of Cearà / Brazil, is no exception, as it is in the same situation of "invisibility" and the threat of losing their territory for major economic development projects like the creation of shrimp in captivity - shrimp and parks wind power, which destroy and privatize their relations of life and belonging to the Community. The methodology chosen to conduct this study was qualitative, which has been in participatory research, oral history, his main instrument, the oral reports of the fisherwomen of the mangrove. Also address issues such as environmental conflicts, racial and gender relations. The elements and circumstances that presquisou been socialized with community leaders - the fisherwomen of the mangrove, which are ahead of the processes of struggle for the defense of traditional territory. Thus, we reaffirm the black presence on the east coast, coastal zone of CearÃ, with reference to the collective memories of the fisherwomen, analyzing the changes and impacts that have occurred with the arrival of economic development projects and environmental conflicts arising as important elements to denounce environmental racism. This research was conducted at the Graduate Program in Education of the Federal University of CearÃ, and we intend to work with and discuss the concept, still under construction in Brazil, Environmental Racism and its nuances, is part of a body of research that SociopoÃtica the Axis Culture and Relations Ãtnicorraciais, the Social Movements, Popular Education and School line has developed to discuss some concepts and current issues.

[pt] Desde a formação da cidade do Rio de Janeiro o saneamento sempre foi uma questão crítica para o processo de urbanização e até hoje os espaços, como as favelas, sofrem de graves problemas no que diz respeito a esse serviço. A tese em questão tem como objetivo investigar a relação entre as injustiças ambientais produzidas por essas desigualdades espaciais e as soluções trazidas pela mobilização comunitária para o acesso ao saneamento, aproximando o olhar para a favela de Nova Holanda, no conjunto de favelas da Maré. A pesquisa traz evidências a partir de dados coletados por entrevistas e observação participante sobre o papel dos moradores e de organizações da sociedade civil na reivindicação de direitos não garantidos pelo poder público na área do saneamento básico. Pressupõe-se que as injustiças ambientais são consequência dessa estrutura social comandada por atributos raciais determinados que privilegiam historicamente uma parcela da população. Ao evidenciar essa relação é possível pensar em processos de tomadas de decisão e participação popular que abarque a diversidade identitária como papel fundador de narrativas que incluam os moradores como sujeitos de direitos. / [en] Since the formation of the city of Rio de Janeiro sanitation has always been a critical issue for the urbanization process and until today marginalized regions such as favelas suffer from serious problems regarding this service. The thesis in question aims to investigate the relationship between the environmental injustices produced by these spatial inequalities and the solutions brought about through social mobilization, taking a closer look at the Nova Holanda slum, in the Maré group of favelas. The research brings evidence from data collected through interviews and participant observation about the role of residents and civil society organizations in claiming rights not guaranteed by the government in basic sanitation. It is assumed that environmental injustices are a consequence of this social structure commanded by certain racial attributes that historically privilege a portion of the population. By highlighting this relationship, it is possible to think of decision-making processes and popular participation that embrace identity diversity as a founding role in narratives that include residents as subjects of rights.