This research explores the impact of Eurasianism on Turkish foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. It investigates the discourses of Eurasianism and the way they are interpreted by the polity and consequently implemented in the foreign policy making in Turkey. In this sense, this research was carried out using literature reviews and interviews in order to respond to the following question: Considering that Turkey has increasingly been pursuing an active and multidimensional foreign policy since the end of the Cold War, how have the discourses of Eurasianism been influencing the contemporary Turkish foreign policy making? The research unpacks the dynamics of contemporary Turkish foreign policy and responds to the debate on whether or not Turkey’s international relations axis is shifting eastwards. Having questioned if such a foreign policy shift exists, the thesis then questions to what extent the process has been informed and channelled by Eurasianism by focussing on three periods since the early 1990s: Özal era (1983-1993), Cem era (1997-2002), Davutoğlu era (2003-2011). Finally, the research presents a set of conclusions on how Eurasianism has been a strong influence on foreign policy making in Turkey and what internal and external socio-economic and political factors have played a critical role in this process.

The Thesis provides a comprehensive overview of the development and formation of the Eurasian geopolitical school of thinking in Russia. Moreover, we disclose the content of the ideas of Eurasian teaching from the end of the 19th century up to the present time. During this period, we try to explain the reasons of occurrence of Eurasianism and its further popularization. Additionally, our research focuses on the impact of ideas of Eurasianism on practical policies that Russia conducts. In particular, we see the character of concrete reforms, implemented in various politics. Finally, following the process of the Eurasian Union project's development we observe the quality of development of the ideas of Eurasianism that constitute the ideological base of the Union. Key words: Eurasianism, Neo-Eurasianism, Putin, Dugin, Gumilev, Eurasian Union, Eurasia. Bibliographical Record Fetishcheva T. (2013): Neo-Eurasianism: Russia's National Idea or a Dangerous Doctrine for the 21st century? (Master thesis). Prague. Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Social Sciences, Geopolitical Studies. 79 pages. Supervisor: Mgr. Markéta Žídková, Ph.D., M.A

Ce travail étudie les relations entre la République de Turquie et la République populaire de Chine dans un environnement stratégique en plein ébullition. Les nouvelles orientations de la politique étrangère de ces deux Etats ont été analysées, en insistant sur leurs relations bilatérales. L’impact de leurs relations en Asie centrale, au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique est également démontré. La montée du discours eurasiste en Turquie et la diplomatie proactive de la Chine furent dans ce cadre abordées afin de mieux percevoir les motivations de la Turquie et de la Chine pour amorcer un rapprochement plus accentué. S'inscrivant dans une logique de longue durée des relations bilatérales turco-chinoises, mais en mettant l’accent sur la période de l'après-guerre froide, cette analyse observe le développement et l'orientation des relations entre ces deux puissances qui visent à s'implanter dans les régions perçues comme primordiales par eux. Dans cette optique, on constate le développement des relations turco-chinoises pourrait devenir l’un des instruments fondamentaux pour les stratégies de politique étrangère de ces deux pays. Leurs relations bilatérales ne manqueront pas d’influer sur le système international en général non plus, alors qu’en échange, l’évolution du système international aura une influence capitale pour l’avenir des relations turco-chinoises. / This work examines the relations between the Republic of Turkey and the People's Republic of China, in the complex strategic environment of the Asian continent. It aims to analyze the new foreign policy orientations of these two states, emphasizing their bilateral relations in a regional framework. The impact of these relations, particularly in Central Asia, the Middle East and Africa, has been studied. The rise of the Eurasianist discourse in Turkey and the proactive diplomacy of China have been assessed in order to better understand the motivation for these two countries for a closer rapprochement. After having demonstrated the evolution of the Turkish-Chinese bilateral relations in a large historical context, and prioritizing the post-Cold War period, this analysis observes the development and orientation of the relations between these two powers which aim to gain a foothold in regions perceived as strategic by them. In this context, the Turkish-Chinese relations could become one of the fundamental instruments for regional strategies of these two countries. Their relations will have an impact over the international system in general, as the international system will have an essential impact over the Turkish-Chinese relations as well.

This thesis aims to examine the evolution of the discourse of Eurasianism and its impact on the formulation and implementation of post-Soviet Russian foreign policy. The thesis argues that both of Russia&rsquo / s post-Soviet leaders: Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin have used the discourse of neo-Eurasianism pragmatically whenever it suited Russia&rsquo / s interests. Moscow ignored this discourse when its foreign policy interests contradicted with the main tenets of this ideology. The thesis has five chapters. Following the introductory chapter, the second chapter explores the evolution of Eurasianism as a discourse and its main variants in post-Soviet era. The third chapter examines the relationship between the Eurasianist discourse and Russian foreign policy under Boris Yeltsin. The fourth chapter discusses the same relationship under Vladimir Putin. The concluding chapter evaluates the main findings of this thesis.

In January 2022, violent protests and clashes broke out in Kazakhstan and the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation decided to intervene. Although Russia tends to be a strong defender of Westphalian sovereignty and a frequent critic of interventions carried out by the West, this was not the first time Russia intervened in another country. During previous interventions has Russia legitimised its actions with arguments influenced by the conceptual framings ‘Responsibility to Protect’, ‘Eurasianism’, and ‘Russkiy Mir’, three concepts whichhave a central role within Russian foreign policy. The purpose with this thesis is to examine which of these three conceptual framings has been the most prominent in Russia’s discourse and legitimation of the intervention in Kazakhstan, January 2022. With an interpretivist approach, and a constructivist lens, is therefore a discourse analysis conducted to first investigate which arguments Russia has used to legitimise the intervention. Thereafter follows a discussion on which of the conceptual framings was the most prominent within the argumentation. The results show that ‘Eurasianism’ was the most prominent conceptual framing in Russia’s legitimation of the intervention, while ‘Responsibility to Protect’ and ‘Russkiy Mir’ was only prominent to a limited extent.

The submitted diploma thesis focuses on the role of Russian federation within the post-communist area. The thesis describes the development of the Russian foreign policy, with regard to the post-soviet area, from the disintegration of the Soviet Union to the present. The attention is paid to the idea of the eurasianism and atlantism , which became the most popular in the Russian foreign policy. The other part of the thesis presents the detailed analysis of the development of the Russian federation's relations with the other states and its degree of influence of alternative actors. The greatest attention is paid to the situation in the Caucasus and Central Asia, because in these areas is the most noticeable influence of alternative actors.

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After seven months of diplomatic crisis following the shooting down of Russian fighter jet by the Turkish Armed Forces, Turkish-Russian relations entered into the process of reconciliation in June 2016. Few weeks later, Turkey faced with a coup attempt (July 15, 2016) which was a crucial turning point in Turkey's repositioning itself in the international politics. Deteriorating relations with the West and rapprochement with Russia have brought along debates with regards to Eurasianism as an alternative foreign policy orientation. In this regard, this thesis is dealing with the Patriotic Party's proposed Eurasianist idea, Kemalist Eurasianism, to put forth the idea's conceptual and contextual map by analysing and interpreting the works of Doğu Perinçek, chairman of the Patriotic Party, and the party's monthly journal, Teori, within the framework of conceptual history approach. In doing so, the thesis confronts the misconception of Kemalist Eurasianism as a derivation of Russian neo-Eurasianism and argues that the idea is originated from the Kemalist revolution and left-nationalist currents of thought historically. Thus, the thesis reveals that Kemalist Eurasianism primarily is a national agenda based on Kemalist principles of nationalism, etatism and populism, and is the international extension of...

On September 24, 2011, it was announced that Putin would run for president once again in 2012. The reaction in the West was that ―the more things change, the more they stay the same.‖ The Western conception of the post-Cold War Russia is often one of remarkable consistency since the turn of the century. This Western narrative focuses on an autocratic Putin reigning over his resurgent and confrontational Russia. Does this narrative tell the story of Russia today, or does it instead obscure it? To answer this I have elected to analyze Russian identity and how it relates to Russia‘s foreign policy with Belarus, traditionally a close ally of Russia. Analyzing news articles from state-owned Russia Today, I look at changes in reporting and Russian identity over time. I argue that a shift in Russian identity towards a more liberal outlook between 2006 and 2010 motivated a degradation of relations with Belarus. I argue that once the simplified narrative of a resurgent Russia is peeled back, a closer look reveals competing identities and competing interest groups in Russia‘s domestic arena. Finally I conclude that not only does identity play a pivotal role in Russia‘s relations, but also that researching identity is important in that it gives us a window into a fairly closed regime that lies at the center of the global stage. Discovering how Russian identity reacts to and influences foreign policy can offer insight into the domestic framework of contemporary Russia, as well as offer us an understanding of how central ideas are to crafting the world around us

As the diploma's thesis it was chosen the theoretical analysis of the geopolitical position of Russia. The primary objective of this study is the evaluation of current geopolitics of the Russian Federation after the collapse of Soviet Union and outlines its future development. This work tries to answer a few basic questions. What is the current geopolitical situation in Russia, in what direction it develops, and whether we can declare a major shift to any direction. The work is divided into several main parts. Introduction is followed by a theoretical grasp of key concepts and the main actors involved in geopolitics. The other two parts contain an analysis of the relationship of Russia to key actors such as the US and NATO, the EU, China, Ukraine, the near neighborhood in Central Asia and the Transcaucasia and geopolitics of oil and natural gas. The last is practical part, in which the information from the previous sections is applied to specific examples in Russian foreign policy. Keywords: Geopolitics, Russia, eurasianism, foreign policy, the US, the EU, China, Central Asia, Ukraine, NATO, energy policy, oil, natural gas