<p>The Central African Monetary and Economic Community, known by its French acronym CEMAC (Communaut&eacute / Economique et Mon&eacute / taire de l&rsquo / Afrique Centrale), is one of the oldest regional economic blocs in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states. Its membership comprises of Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. It has a population of over 32 million inhabitants in a three million (3 million) square kilometre expanse of land. The changes in the world economy, and especially between the ACP countries, on the one hand, and the European Economic Community-EEC (hereinafter referred to as European Union (EU)), on the other hand, did not leave the CEMAC region unaffected. CEMAC region, like any other regional economic blocs in Africa was faced with the need to readjust in the face of a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The region which had benefited from preferential access to the EU market including financial assistance through the European Development Fund (EDF) had to comply with the rules laid down in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). This eventually led to a shift in the EU trade policy, in order to ensure that its trade preferences to developing countries were compatible to the rules and obligations of the WTO.</p>

This thesis provides new insight into the EMU’s impact on the Euro-area firms’ performance, by examining the firms’ accounting rates of return and financial cash flows. The impact is evaluated separately for the EMU formation and the physical Euro adoption, and over different time horizons. The existing literature does not directly examine these issues. This study uses the regression model of the difference-in-differences approach to examine 121 Euro-area and North American firms, covering 14 sectors, over the period from 1992 to 2008. The results indicate a positive impact of the EMU on the firms’ financial cash flows, especially after the Euro adoption, which support the related literature. However, the accounting rates of return suggest a mostly negative impact. The magnitude of the impacts declines over time. The results are robust with respect to GDP as a control variable. The study also reports the EMU’s impact on 4 major industrial sectors. / viii, 68 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

The master's thesis The United Kingdom and the European Integration: Influence of foreign trade and monetary politics on the British attitude towards Europe between the years 1941 and 1973 explores the relationship of the United Kingdom towards European integration in a period from the end of the Second World War to the point of becoming a member of the European Economic Community in 1973. The relationship of the United Kingdom with Europe is studied by analysing international monetary and trade politics of the United Kingdom, its economic standing in the world and comparative strength of Pound Sterling. All of these variables played a key role in the development of aforementioned relationship. The aim of the thesis is to ascertain the role played by international monetary and trade politics of the United Kingdom in relation to European integration. The research itself is divided into three chapters and overall defined and underpinned by conjoining two theories of hegemonic stability and aspects of realist school of political economy. First chapter examines the emergence and development of Bretton Woods system and American economic hegemony. Following chapter explores the relationship between the United Kingdom and the Sterling Area. Final chapter deals with British economic relationship towards...

美國與歐盟在航空產業的補貼爭議已有數十年之久，雙方互相指控對方補貼其國內民用航空器製造業，此一爭議雖經雙方談判協商，但終究談判破裂而進入世界貿易組織（WTO）爭端解決機構，成為WTO歷史上涉案金額最大的一次貿易糾紛案。雖然美國與歐盟就航空器補貼爭議相互於WTO下提出訴訟，總計成立了四個爭端案件，在如此複雜的情況下，目前僅歐盟航空補貼案（DS316）已進入至言詞辯論程序，其他爭議案均未進入實質審理程序，尚無資料可得分析，因此僅就DS316一案而為討論。 / 在該案中，美方指控歐盟以開發補助、基礎設施、研發技術補助等措施為空中巴士進行補貼，提升空中巴士之市場競爭力，對美國波音公司產生不良影響。上述措施是否違反WTO規定，著實進一步分析探討之必要，因此本文將介紹補貼及民用航空器的相關規定，由SCM協定下之補貼構成要件－政府財務補助、利益及特定性之要件，判斷歐盟是否構成補貼，而其中尚須檢驗美國與歐盟首次書狀中論點之合理性、考量過去小組類似判斷之見解與顧及1992年美歐航空器的雙邊協定，最後嘗試預測未來小組判斷中，對補貼之構成與否及其法律效果之意見。 / Subsidy dispute of aviation between the US and EU has been lasting over the past decades. Both sides accused each other of subsidizing domestic civil aircraft industry. In spite of having made efforts to solve the trade clash through negotiations, they eventually took the subsidy dispute before Dispute Settlement Body of the World Trade Organization（WTO） after the negotiations had failed. In the biggest case ever to come before WTO, US and EU separately filed legal complaints against each other at the WTO, which set up four dispute cases. However, except the oral arguments were held in the European Communities-Measures Affecting Trade in Large Civil Aircraft（DS316）, the three other cases have not yet entered into substantial procedures. Therefore, this thesis intends to focus on the DS316 due to no related data available to analyze the rest of the cases. / In DS316, the US argued that EU subsidized Airbus by way of such measures as Launch Aid, Infrastructure & Regional Aid and Research & Technology to improve Airbus’s competitiveness in the aviation market and put its US rival Boeing at disadvantage. Given that whether the EU subsides are against the trade rules of the WTO needs further studies, this thesis would like to interpret related rules which regulate subsidy and civil aircraft industry. It would also like to decide if the EU involved in subsidizing by examining the constitutive requirements of subsidy under the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures（SCM agreement）including financial contribution, benefit and specificity. This thesis will review the rationality of arguments in the first written submissions both by the US and EU, and then deliberate the opinions of similar decisions from the WTO panel in the past as well as take into account the Agreement between the European Economic Community and the Government of the United States of America concerning the Application of the GATT Agreement on Trade in Civil Aircraft on Trade in Large Civil Aircraft in 1992. Finally, this article tries to forecast the opinions about what is regarded as subsidy and the related legal effects in future decisions by the WTO panel.

La construction européenne fut entre la conférence de La Haye en 1969 et la signature de l’Acte unique européen en 1986, une entreprise d’intégration des sociétés européennes principalement économique, notamment fondée sur la libre circulation des marchandises, des hommes mais aussi des services et des capitaux. Ce projet de marché unique transnational fut un défi inouï lancé aux Etats et aux partis politiques qui organisent l’expression politique au sein de chaque nation. Deux partis, profondément enracinés par leur identité socialiste et démocratique dans la vie de leur nation et également mus par l’idéal européen, le parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD) et le Parti socialiste français (PS), furent, par l’action de leurs dirigeants au pouvoir, étroitement associés à la réalisation du projet européen.Ces partis furent-ils des acteurs qui imprimèrent la marque du socialisme démocratique à la construction européenne ou l’accompagnèrent-ils sans en corriger les traits originaux ? Ont-ils façonné le modèle économique de l’intégration européenne ou s’est-il imposé à eux ? Partant, cette expérience européenne les conduisit-elle à préserver ou à modifier leur identité ? Notre recherche nous conduit ainsi à étudier la rencontre entre deux utopies, l’utopie européenne et l’utopie du socialisme démocratique et à mesurer l’extrême difficulté pour ces deux partis de créer un modèle qui fasse converger ces deux caractéristiques du PS et du SPD et leur permette de rester des forces politiques d’avenir, riches de propositions partagées à l’échelle européenne. / Between the conference of The Hague (1965) and the signing of the Single European Act (1986), the European Construction was foremost an economic endeavour aiming at integrating the European societies and based on the free movement of goods, people, services and money. The creation of the common market was an extraordinary challenge for the nation states and for the political parties which are responsible for the expression of the political life of their nation. Two parties, the French socialist party (PS) and the social-democratic party of Germany (SPD), both deeply rooted in the political life of their own nation, with a socialist and democratic identity, but also moved by European ideals, were greatly involved in the realisation of the European project, mainly through the action of their leaders when these were exercising their national responsibilities and ruling their nation.Thus the questioning: did these parties leave the mark of democratic socialism on the European construction or did they only accompany it without correcting the original features? Did they participate in the definition of the European economic model or not? And in turn, did the European construction lead them to preserve or to modify their identity?Our inquiry leads us to study how two utopian ideas, the path towards democratic socialism and the path towards European unity, interfere. The extreme difficulty for both parties to create a convergence between these two paths could prevent them from remaining political strengths with great future at national and European scale.

Immédiatement après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, sous l’impulsion du Général de Gaulle et de Jean Monnet, le Gouvernement provisoire de la République française décida d’engager dans le système capitaliste français une politique économique à moyen terme désignée par le terme de « planification ». Le Plan, en tant qu’outil d’élaboration et de mise en œuvre de politiques industrielles, dirigea l’industrie française pour qu’elle puisse se développer et s’adapter aux différentes circonstances. Quatre plans furent successivement mis en œuvre dès la Libération jusqu’en 1965 par le Commissariat Général du Plan (CGP) sous la direction successive de trois commissaires généraux du Plan, à savoir Jean Monnet, Etienne Hirsch, Pierre Massé. Dans ce laps de temps furent lancés les plans suivants : Plan Pinay-Rueff, Plan intérimaire, Plan d’adaptation des charbonnages, Plan de stabilisation. Imbriquée de multiples manières à une « expansion industrielle », la planification française réussit à transformer la France rurale en une société industrielle et à faire passer l’industrie française de la situation fermée et protégée à la confrontation de la concurrence internationale. Elle joua aussi un rôle important dans le mode de rapport entre le secteur public et privé et en particulier, le fonctionnement des entreprises nationales. À plus long terme, c’était encore au Plan que revenait le mérite de tracer les lignes d’un harmonieux développement des régions françaises, surtout de l’aménagement du territoire. / Immediately after the Second World War, the Provisional Government of the French Republic, under the leadership of General de Gaulle and Jean Monnet, decided to engage in the French capitalist system a medium-term economic policy designated by the term "planning". The Plan, as a tool for the elaboration and implementation of industrial policies, directed French industry so that it could develop and adapt to different circumstances. Four Plans were successively implemented from the Liberation until 1965 by the General Planning Agency under the successive direction of three commissioners, namely Jean Monnet, Etienne Hirsch, Pierre Massé. Meanwhile, the Rueff-Pinay Stabilization Plan, Interim Plan, Plan d’adaptation des charbonnages, Giscard d’Estaing’s Stabilization Plan were launched. Interwoven in many ways with an "industrial expansion", French planning succeeded in transforming rural France into an industrial society and to shift French industry from the closed and protected situation to the confrontation of international competition. It also played an important role in the relationship between the public and private sectors and, in particular, the functioning of national enterprises. In the longer term, it was again in the Plan that the merit of drawing the lines of a harmonious development of the French regions, especially of the Spatial planning.

The origins of European integration and the factors that made it possible in the post-1945 era have been examined from different perspectives and interpreted in various ways. While federalists argue that the concept of European unity had been developed over centuries by different intellectual movements, the realist approaches of Milward and Dinan stress the importance of economic, political and security motives. Referring to the factors that contributed to the implementation of the Schuman Plan, both the federalist and realist approaches highlight the chief importance of states and their representatives. Yet, the ideas that inspired Jean Monnet, who designed the Schuman Plan, have received little attention. While the state is seen in the literature as the main actor that made the outcome possible, the role of Monnet and that of some of his close associates are almost ignored. By investigating Monnet's thought, this study shows that the source of his inspiration was not the countless plans for European unity put forward by European federalist movements or the random concepts that he came across, such as the New Deal. Rather, it is argued here that he was in fact constantly exposed to a coherent and well-structured philosophy. This thinking reached him through his direct contacts and frequent encounters with Felix Frankfurter and his associates, who formed an epistemic community, as defined by Peter M. Haas. The core concepts of this thinking inherited from Louis Brandeis and developed by Frankfurter – restoring and overseeing free competition – can be identified in Monnet's 1950 plan. The evidence shows that it became a shared philosophy of Monnet's group of friends. This is a fundamental aspect since, once the Schuman Plan was made public, Monnet's friends rallied around his project and contributed not only to overcoming stalemate at critical moments of the negotiations on the future treaty, but also to convincing statesmen of the value of the project. / Graduate

The aim of my thesis on the topic „Regional and structural EU policy – economic and legislative aspect“ is a description of all important aspects of Regional policy EU and the performance of regional policy in the context of a specific project.