Die Vision einer Europäischen Außenpolitik zwischen den Supermächten USA und UdSSR prägte die Debatte im Westeuropa der Nachkriegszeit. Lange Zeit glaubten die überzeugten europäischen Protagonisten an die Idee, mittels einer strengen Sachlogik dem Ziel einer politischen Integration zwangsläufig näher zu kommen und eine gemeinschaftliche Außenpolitik zu erreichen, und zwar über die Bildung einer integrierten Wirtschaftsunion hin zu politischen Mechanismen. Man argumentierte mit Nachdruck: Die wirtschaftliche Integration sei nicht nur ein Schritt auf dem Weg zur politischen Vereinigung, sondern bereits ein Teil des Zieles selbst.1 Wie sehr der Glaube an diese Sachlogik im Verlauf der Jahrzehnte getrogen hat, davon zeugen Mühseligkeit, Langwierigkeit und teilweise Ergebnislosigkeit der Anstrengungen, eine gemeinsame europäische Außenpolitik zu schaffen. / Starting from the post-war vision of a supranational Western Europe, the author describes the history of a Common Foreign and Security Policy. The main focus is on the development of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) since the 1970s. Possibilities and limits of such a cooperation are highlighted. The author states that the EPC was designed pragmatically and was not incorporated into the legal system of the EU. He analyses the permanently strained relations between the national states in Europe and their effort to reach common competences in the area of foreign and security policy.

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

本文主要目的是從比較統一前的西德與統一後的德國在歐洲政治合作中的角色，來探究德意志聯邦共和國於統一後是否會繼續支持歐洲政治合作的進展，並且解析其繼續支持與否的態度對歐洲政治進一步統合的影響。本文各章的重點如下：第一章前言說明本文分析德意志共和國在歐洲政治合作中角色的分析架構。第二章則對歐洲政治合作的歷史發展作概要性的敘述，並說明歐體與歐洲政治合作運作上的關係。第三章則從西德西歐整合的外交政策取向，分析其加入歐洲政治合作的動機。第四章由德意志聯邦共和國在歐洲政治合作中的行動來觀察其角色。一是從德意志聯邦共和國在統一前與統一後對歐洲政治合作加深與擴大的支持態度；二是從統一前、後德意志聯邦共和國在歐洲政治合作處理國際危機中的行動轉變來觀察。第五章是歸結德意志聯邦共和國在歐洲政治合作的角色轉變，並從歐洲政治統合對德意志聯邦共和國的重要性，以及德意志聯邦共和國對歐洲政治合作影響力的互動中，解析統一後的德國在歐洲政治合作中扮演的角色，將對歐洲政治合作的進展持有何態度，且對歐洲政治統合的進一步發展有何影響。第六章結語則提出本文的研究發現與心得。

C’est avec le lancement de la Coopération Politique Européenne (CPE) en 1969/70 que les six États membres de la Communaute européenne (CE) ont tourné une page dans l’histoire de l’intégration européenne. À partir de cette date les membres de la CE se sont consultés sur des questions de politique étrangère afin d’harmoniser leurs vues et d’élaborer des positions communes. Dès le début la France avait le plus grand intérêt à mettre le Proche-Orient sur l’agenda des Six. Comme les deux chocs pétroliers de 1973/74 et de 1979 risquaient de peser lourd sur les relations euro-arabes, les autres États membres de la Communauté ont consenti en principe à développer une position commune envers le Proche-Orient. Ainsi une politique proche-orientale des Six, et àpartir de 1973 des Neuf, s’est institutionnalisée au cours des années 1970 qui était basée d’une part sur des déclarations communes sur la situation au Proche-Orient et d’autre part sur une coopération économique interrégionale plus étroite, notamment dans le cadre du dialogue euro-arabe. Sous la présidence de Georges Pompidou tout comme sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing la France a été le moteur dans le développement des relations euro-arabes des années 1970. Même si l’action française qui visait à faire adopter sa propre politique proche-orientale par ses partenaires européens n’était pas toujours couronnée de succès la déclaration commune du 6 novembre 1973 et surtout la déclaration commune de Venise du 13 juin 1980reflètent nettement position pro-palestinienne de la France. / By launching European Political Cooperation (EPC) in 1969/70 the six member states of the European Community (EC) openend a new chapter in the history of European Integration. Henceforward the six member states consulted each other in foreign policy issues in order to develop commun positions where possible. From the beginning France showed the greatest interest in putting the Middle East on the European agenda. As the two oil price shocks of 1973/74 and 1979 put a strain on the euro-arab relations the other member states of the EC supported the French request to develop a commun European Near-Eastern policy. Consequently, the 1970ies were marked by a process of institutionalisation of commun policy towards that region that was, on theone side, based on common European declarations, and, on the other side, on a more intense euro-arab cooperation in the field of economics, and this especially within the framework of the euro-arab dialogue. Both under the presidency of Georges Pompidou and under the presidency of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing France can be described as motor of the development and the extension of euro-arab relations. Even if the French diplomacy that tried to make her Near-Eastern policy a common European policy has not always been crowned with succes the common Brussels declaration of November 1973 and especially the common Venicedeclaration of June 1980 reflect clearly the pro-Palestinian stance of France.

歐洲政治合作(European Political Cooperation)為歐體自1970起實施之一制度，以便各成成員國討論及協調對外交事務之立場，並在適當之情勢下採取一致行動，以確保各國之共同利益並對抗來自外部之壓力，此種各會員國聯合模式之集體外交，迥異於傳統以個別國家為主體之外交行為，而其後續之演進--共同外交暨安全政策(Common Foreign and Security Policy)，更是研究歐洲統合不容忽視之重要範疇，故值得加以進一步之探討.歐洲政治合作係與共同體平行的行動，它溯自1970年迄至1993年，歐體藉此一架構採取共同外交政策之協調，並由其會員國制訂及實施. 本論文首先將當前歐洲政治合作文獻作一初步整理，隨後探討相關問題，包括歐洲政治合作理論之建構，其次為自其發展過程及個案研究評估歐洲政治合作的實際成效與影響. 綜合研究之初步成果，目前國際關係理論尚不能完全解釋歐洲政治合作此一現象，有待學界進一步之努力. 其次，歐洲政治合作此一政府間本質之架構，在實施上僅能達到有限之效果，檢視其以往記錄並無一項明確之共同外交政策存在，所謂歐洲政治合作的協調映象僅建立於次要的議題，包括共同宣言及部份的制裁與援助措施，但若與個別成員國利益衝突或面臨國際危機時，則其所能發揮之效用最小，因此歐體各國對個別的國家利益及國內政治的認知仍優於對共同體，而從歐洲政治合作演進至共同外交暨安全政策的發展過程來看，各國真正能讓渡主權而實施一項共同外交政策，仍有一段漫長的路途.