Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète. Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance. Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde. / The problem of extreme poverty in the Third World is not first and foremost a question of economy. It is above all a political one because it is the direct consequence of choices made by societies and of the organization of power at the level of the State and of various instances of the international community. Its object is the conquest of power and the distribution of wealth on a large scale. It is also a moral problem because the options taken collectively by nations and the society of nations tend towards or against justice and equality of opportunities for everyone. Extreme poverty and global justice form a binomial that therefore brings us back to the heart of political and moral theory. After the Second World War, political theory broadened its horizons. Since then, it also reflects on the exercise of power at the international level and the distribution of wealth at the world level. The phenomenon of economic globalisation creates a mutual dependency and important multilateral influences between the States. More than in the past, autarky is no longer something to consider. The dogma of the untouchable sovereignty of the States, that came forth from the Treaty of Westphalia in the XVIIth century, appears to be more and more obsolete in view of the common stakes that presently confront humanity. From which came forth the need for a remolding of the meaning of national sovereignties and for the founding of cosmopolitical rights for every individual on the planet. That is why the binomial in question provokes more of a philosophical reflection on the concept of responsibility that extends not only to the national sphere, but to a wide cosmopolitical amplitude. The expression “countries of the Third World” may seem archaic, pejorative and humiliating. However, more so than those of "under developed countries” or "developing countries" it accounts for, without embellishment, the raw, brutal, and far from elegant reality of the political and economical misery that exists there. Though it may be obsolete, it quite clearly delimits the area of conceptual and geographical definition of our field of philosophical investigation. It designates the grouping of countries that are excluded from the economical wealth distributed among the nations. Given that economic power generally goes together with political power, this grouping is also kept away from the major decisional centers. Characterized by an extreme poverty, the Third World reality requires a meticulous analysis of the causes of this extreme economical and political marginalization. A typology of the notion of responsibility offers a conceptual figure of this reality with a geometry of six angles: causality, morality, capacity, community, result and solidarity, as foundations for reparation. These aspects, under which responsibility is studied, are overseen by philosophical doctrines of consequentialist, utilitarian, deontological and teleogical type. The typology of responsibility gives rise to many solutions: bringing aid through philanthropy in helping to save lives; establishing and assigning responsibilities so that the mistakes of the past and the present be repaired both at the national and international levels; promoting the obligation to protect in a healthy international context that takes into consideration the negative duty not to harm the most disadvantaged of the planet; institutionalizing the transboundary rules of justice as well as of cosmopolitical rights. Finally, by omniresponsibility we will understand this as the responsibility of all towards those who endure the throes of extreme poverty in the Third World. Far from being a catch-all concept, it is an ensemble of shared responsibilities for identifiable actors on the world scene, with the view of coreparation due to the victims of global injustice. It aims at a telos: the blossoming of the welfare of the citizen of the world.

Denna kvalitativa studie om internationellt utvecklingsbistånd undersöker effekterna av gender mainstreaming i sociala trygghetssystem i Afrika, söder om Sahara, med särskilt fokus på jämställdhet, kvinnors empowerment och biståndets effekter på familjeförhållanden. Studien lyfter fram en historisk bakgrund av gender mainstreaming i politiken, men även dagens internationella engagemang för att bekämpa den extrema fattigdomen. Studien belyser det svenska internationella biståndets initiativ för att minska fattigdomen i Afrika, söder om Sahara.  Totalt genomfördes fyra semistrukturerade intervjuer med högkvalificerade tjänstemän som representerar det internationella biståndet, med bakgrund från Utrikesdepartementet, Styrelsen för internationellt utvecklingssamarbete (Sida), Latinamerikainstitutet på Stockholms universitet och UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti. Resultatet visade att ett genderintegrerat bistånd i form av sociala kontantöverföringar som främjar jämställdhet i samhällen som biståndet verkar i, bidrar till att minska den extrema fattigdomen. Men resultaten visade även att det krävs ytterligare forskning för att kunna se direkta kausala effekter av biståndet som riktas till kvinnor jämfört med bistånd som riktas till män, samt den effekt som biståndet har på kvinnors empowerment och på biståndsmottagarnas familjeförhållanden. Slutsatsen av undersökningen är att uppbyggnaden av genderintegrerade sociala trygghetssystem i Afrika, söder om Sahara, är av särskild betydelse då man genom ökad jämställdhet och ett övergripande socialt skyddsnät minskar den extrema fattigdomen och främjar regionens välmående i sin helhet. / This qualitative study on international development aid explores the effects of gender mainstreaming in social protection systems in sub-Saharan Africa, with a focus on gender equality, women's empowerment and family structures. The study features a historical background of gender mainstreaming in politics, but also today's international commitment to combat extreme poverty. The study highlights the initiative of the Swedish international aid to reduce poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. A total of four semi-structured interviews were conducted with highly qualified public servants representing the international foreign aid, representing The Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), The Institute of Latin American Studies at Stockholm University and UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti. The results showed that a gender-based foreign aid in the form of social cash transfers that aims to promote gender equality, helps to reduce extreme poverty. In addition, the results showed that further research is required to see the direct effects of aid directed at women as compared with aid directed at men, as well as the impact of aid on women's empowerment and the family structures of aid recipients. The conclusion of this study is that the development of gender-based social protection systems in sub-Saharan Africa is of particular importance as, through increased gender equality and overall social protection systems, the region's prosperity increases, and levels of extreme poverty reduces.

Foreign aid has been used on the one hand by donors as an important international relations policy tool and on the other hand by developing countries as a source of funds for development. Since its inception in the 1940s, foreign aid has been one of the most researched topics in development economics. This study adds to this growing aid effectiveness literature, with a particular focus on the under-researched relationship between foreign aid and extreme poverty. The main empirical assessment is based on a sample of 120 developing countries from 1981 to 2013. The study had two main objectives, namely: (i) to estimate the impact of foreign aid on poverty reduction and (ii) to examine the direction of causality between foreign aid and poverty in developing countries. From these two broad objectives, there are six specific objectives, which include to: (i) examine the overall impact of foreign aid (total official development assistance) on extreme poverty, (ii) investigate the impact of different proxies of foreign aid on the three proxies of extreme poverty, (iii) assess whether political freedom (democracy) or economic freedom enhances the effectiveness of foreign aid, (iv) compare the impact of foreign aid on extreme poverty by developing country income groups, and (v) examine the direction of causality between extreme poverty and foreign aid. To achieve these objectives, the study employed two main dynamic panel data econometric estimation methods, namely the systemgeneralised method of moments (SGMM) technique and the panel vector error correction model (VECM) Granger causality framework. While the SGMM was used to assess the impact of foreign aid on extreme poverty, the panel VECM Granger causality was used to examine the direction of causality between foreign aid poverty. The SGMM was used because of its ability to deal with endogeneity by controlling for simultaneity and unobserved heterogeneity, whereas the panel VECM was preferred because the variables were stationary and cointegrated. / Economics / D. Phil. (Economics)