Este trabalho propôs realizar um estudo sobre as representações sociais de sujeitos categorizados pelo governo como extremamente pobres enfatizando o que estes nos apresentaram acerca de suas vivências enquanto empobrecidos. A pesquisa qualitativa caminhou no sentido de investigar o que os interlocutores entendiam por pobreza, ser/estar pobre, bem como compreender quais tipos de dificuldades estes sujeitos enfrentam em seu cotidiano. Também buscamos estabelecer um comparativo entre o que o atual governo brasileiro identifica como uma situação de extrema pobreza e como os sujeitos empobrecidos, público-alvo das políticas públicas sociais de combate à miséria, descrevem a situação na qual vivem. Investigamos o que estas políticas propõem, de que forma são implementadas e quais os critérios utilizados para estabelecer categorizações sobre o universo da extrema pobreza. Através de entrevistas semiestruturadas, capturamos fragmentos de narrativas de vida dos interlocutores e, com aporte teórico-metodológico da Teoria das Representações Sociais, bem como de autores que discutem a problematização do conceito de pobreza, construímos uma análise das falas, elencando oito dimensões de sentido estruturadas a partir do que os entrevistados apontaram em suas falas ao relatarem as durezas de seus cotidianos. / This work proposed to conduct a study of the social representations of subjects who were categorized by the government as extremely poor; emphasizing what the interviewees presented us regarding their life experiences as impoverished people. The qualitative research was developed aiming to investigate what the interlocutors understood by poverty, be/being poor, as well as understanding of what types of difficulties these subjects face in their daily lives. We have also sought to establish a comparative between what the present government identifies as an extreme poverty situation and as the impoverished subjects, target group of the social public policies to fight poverty, describe their current life situation. We have investigated, as well, concerning what such policies propose, how they are implemented, and which criteria are employed to establish categorizations regarding the extreme poverty universe. Through semi structured interviews, we were able to capture interlocutors’ fragments of life narratives, and, with the theoretical-methodological support from the Social Representations Theory, as well as from authors who discuss the conundrum of the poverty concept, we have analyzed the speeches, and listed eight dimensions of meaning that were structured from what the participants showcased in their discourse when reporting their daily hardships.

Background: Several studies have reported socioeconomic, socio-demographic factors, including violence against women to be associated with depression among women, but knowledge in the area among women living under extreme poverty in developing countries remains scarce. Relationship between intimate partner violence and women’s literacy in societies where violence is normative is complex, there are only limited data describing this difference in the distribution of violence exposure by residency and literacy. Few studies have addressed consequences of maternal depression and experiencing violence among women on children’s survival. Objective: The aim of this thesis is to determine prevalence of depressive episode and examine its association with violence by intimate partner and socioeconomic status It also assesses contribution of residency and literacy of women on vulnerability to physical violence by intimate partner, and independent effect of intimate partner violence and maternal depression on the risk of child death in rural Ethiopia. Methods: A community-based cross-sectional study was undertaken among 3016 randomly selected women in the age group between 15-49 years conducted from January to December 2002. A cohort study was done through following up women who gave birth to a live child within a year of the survey, in rural Ethiopia. Analysis was made using all the 3016 women, 1994 of the married women and 561 of women who gave birth within a year of the data collection time. Cases of depression were identified using the Amharic version of the Composite International Diagnostic Interview, experience of physical, sexual and emotional violence by intimate partner was made using the WHO multi-country study on women’s life events, and child death was measured by continuous demographic surveillance data from the Butajira Rural Health Program. Result: The twelve-month prevalence of depression was estimated to be 4.4%. In the analyses being currently married, divorced and widowed women, living in rural villages, having frequent khat chewing habit, having seasonal job and living in extreme poverty were factors independently associated with depression. Similarly, among the married women, experiencing physical violence, childhood sexual abuse, emotional violence and spousal control were factors independently associated with depressive episode. Women in the overall study area had beliefs and norms permissive towards violence against women. Violence against women was more prevalent in rural communities, in particular, among rural literate women and rural women who married a literate spouse. In this study, maternal depression was associated with under five child death. Although no association was seen between experiencing violence and child death, the risk of child death increases when maternal depression is combined with physical and emotional violence. Conclusion: Prevalence of depression among women was still in the lower range as compared to studies from high-income countries. Though depression is associated with socio-demographic factors and extreme poverty, the association is complex. The high prevalence of violence against women could be a contributing factor for preponderance of depression among women than in men. Urbanization and literacy are thought to promote changes in attitudes and norms against intimate partner violence. However, literacy within rural community might expose women to the higher risk of violence. Improving awareness of clinicians and public health workers on the devastating consequences of violence against women and depression is essential in order to identify and take measure when violence and maternal depression co-occurred.

Over the past two decades, conditional cash transfer (CCT) has become one of the most widespread approaches to social development in Latin America. Spurred in large part by the evident and immediate success of Mexico’s CCT initiative, a multitude of countries began to invest heavily in this strategy hoping to reduce poverty and inequality in the short and long run. This paper examines the relationship between CCT program breadth and poverty, inequality, and secondary school enrollment over a thirteen year span in order to determine whether or not programs with the largest coverage were the most efficient. This question is of grave importance being that as many as eighteen countries are betting on CCT as a means in sustainably breaking poverty cycles. This thesis finds that conditional cash transfer has been exceptionally successful in diminishing extreme poverty in Latin America. Furthermore, although result are inconclusive in terms of moderate poverty, secondary school enrollment, and inequality a trend analysis of fluctuations in poverty and inequality from 1997 to 2010 shows promising results as all development indicators appear to be in decline.

Este trabalho propôs realizar um estudo sobre as representações sociais de sujeitos categorizados pelo governo como extremamente pobres enfatizando o que estes nos apresentaram acerca de suas vivências enquanto empobrecidos. A pesquisa qualitativa caminhou no sentido de investigar o que os interlocutores entendiam por pobreza, ser/estar pobre, bem como compreender quais tipos de dificuldades estes sujeitos enfrentam em seu cotidiano. Também buscamos estabelecer um comparativo entre o que o atual governo brasileiro identifica como uma situação de extrema pobreza e como os sujeitos empobrecidos, público-alvo das políticas públicas sociais de combate à miséria, descrevem a situação na qual vivem. Investigamos o que estas políticas propõem, de que forma são implementadas e quais os critérios utilizados para estabelecer categorizações sobre o universo da extrema pobreza. Através de entrevistas semiestruturadas, capturamos fragmentos de narrativas de vida dos interlocutores e, com aporte teórico-metodológico da Teoria das Representações Sociais, bem como de autores que discutem a problematização do conceito de pobreza, construímos uma análise das falas, elencando oito dimensões de sentido estruturadas a partir do que os entrevistados apontaram em suas falas ao relatarem as durezas de seus cotidianos. / This work proposed to conduct a study of the social representations of subjects who were categorized by the government as extremely poor; emphasizing what the interviewees presented us regarding their life experiences as impoverished people. The qualitative research was developed aiming to investigate what the interlocutors understood by poverty, be/being poor, as well as understanding of what types of difficulties these subjects face in their daily lives. We have also sought to establish a comparative between what the present government identifies as an extreme poverty situation and as the impoverished subjects, target group of the social public policies to fight poverty, describe their current life situation. We have investigated, as well, concerning what such policies propose, how they are implemented, and which criteria are employed to establish categorizations regarding the extreme poverty universe. Through semi structured interviews, we were able to capture interlocutors’ fragments of life narratives, and, with the theoretical-methodological support from the Social Representations Theory, as well as from authors who discuss the conundrum of the poverty concept, we have analyzed the speeches, and listed eight dimensions of meaning that were structured from what the participants showcased in their discourse when reporting their daily hardships.

Este trabalho propôs realizar um estudo sobre as representações sociais de sujeitos categorizados pelo governo como extremamente pobres enfatizando o que estes nos apresentaram acerca de suas vivências enquanto empobrecidos. A pesquisa qualitativa caminhou no sentido de investigar o que os interlocutores entendiam por pobreza, ser/estar pobre, bem como compreender quais tipos de dificuldades estes sujeitos enfrentam em seu cotidiano. Também buscamos estabelecer um comparativo entre o que o atual governo brasileiro identifica como uma situação de extrema pobreza e como os sujeitos empobrecidos, público-alvo das políticas públicas sociais de combate à miséria, descrevem a situação na qual vivem. Investigamos o que estas políticas propõem, de que forma são implementadas e quais os critérios utilizados para estabelecer categorizações sobre o universo da extrema pobreza. Através de entrevistas semiestruturadas, capturamos fragmentos de narrativas de vida dos interlocutores e, com aporte teórico-metodológico da Teoria das Representações Sociais, bem como de autores que discutem a problematização do conceito de pobreza, construímos uma análise das falas, elencando oito dimensões de sentido estruturadas a partir do que os entrevistados apontaram em suas falas ao relatarem as durezas de seus cotidianos. / This work proposed to conduct a study of the social representations of subjects who were categorized by the government as extremely poor; emphasizing what the interviewees presented us regarding their life experiences as impoverished people. The qualitative research was developed aiming to investigate what the interlocutors understood by poverty, be/being poor, as well as understanding of what types of difficulties these subjects face in their daily lives. We have also sought to establish a comparative between what the present government identifies as an extreme poverty situation and as the impoverished subjects, target group of the social public policies to fight poverty, describe their current life situation. We have investigated, as well, concerning what such policies propose, how they are implemented, and which criteria are employed to establish categorizations regarding the extreme poverty universe. Through semi structured interviews, we were able to capture interlocutors’ fragments of life narratives, and, with the theoretical-methodological support from the Social Representations Theory, as well as from authors who discuss the conundrum of the poverty concept, we have analyzed the speeches, and listed eight dimensions of meaning that were structured from what the participants showcased in their discourse when reporting their daily hardships.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Umeå : Umeå universitet, 2010.

Submitted by Jamile Barbosa da Cruz (jamile.cruz@ucsal.br) on 2017-08-23T17:31:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAODIOGODANTAS.pdf: 1447673 bytes, checksum: 7882676d98d5fa3f034dedf413cc0e76 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2017-08-23T18:53:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAODIOGODANTAS.pdf: 1447673 bytes, checksum: 7882676d98d5fa3f034dedf413cc0e76 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-23T18:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAODIOGODANTAS.pdf: 1447673 bytes, checksum: 7882676d98d5fa3f034dedf413cc0e76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-30 / Os novos métodos de produção e organização da força de trabalho, surgidos a partir do início do século XX, deram origem, para além do enfraquecimento da classe trabalhadora, a uma progressiva sofisticação dos métodos de exploração do trabalho e, por consequência, a um grandioso aumento dos níveis de obtenção da mais valia em todo o mundo. Conjuntamente ao progresso capitalista-industrial e a sua ascendente e assombrosa lucratividade nunca visto antes na história, se percebeu um crescimento grandioso da chamada precarização do trabalho – tendo na terceirização um dos seus principais instrumentos -, bem como das desigualdades sociais, da extrema pobreza e de todos os seus reflexos sociais. Não por outro motivo, aliás, a Constituição Federal de 1988 passa a prever, no artigo 3º, inciso III, a erradicação da pobreza e a redução dos índices de desigualdade como um dos objetivos fundamentais da República Federativa do Brasil. Diante deste cenário, o presente estudo tem por fim analisar se a terceirização de mão de obra, fenômeno mais atual da progressiva organização produtiva e do trabalho, possui uma tendência maximizadora das desigualdades sociais e da extrema pobreza, com vistas a verificar a sua compatibilidade com o art. 3º, inciso III, da Constituição Federal de 1988. Para tanto, se fará uma abordagem da categoria trabalho, da sua concepção concreta à abstrata; o modo de produção capitalista, suas transformações e repercussões no modo de organização da força de trabalho; a precarização social do trabalho e seu mais recente instrumento: a terceirização e, por fim, se analisará a repercussão do instituto da terceirização no mundo do trabalho, com vistas a se concluir pela compatibilidade ou não do mencionado fenômeno com o art. 3º, inciso III, da Constituição Federal de 1988. / The new methods of production and organization of the labor force, which emerged from the beginning of the twentieth century, have given rise, in addition to the weakening of the working class, to a progressive sophistication of the methods of labor exploitation and, consequently, to a grandiose Increased levels of surplus value in the world. Together with industrial capitalist progress and its astonishing and unprecedented profitability never before seen in history, there was a great increase in the so-called precariousness of labor - in outsourcing one of its main instruments - as well as social inequalities, extreme poverty and of all its social reflexes. On the other hand, the Federal Constitution of 1988 now foresees article 3, item III, eradicating poverty and reducing inequality rates as one of the fundamental objectives of the Federative Republic of Brazil. Given this scenario, the present study aims to analyze whether the outsourcing of labor, a more current phenomenon of the progressive organization of production and labor, has a tendency to maximize social inequalities and extreme poverty, in order to verify their compatibility with The art. 3, item III, of the Federal Constitution of 1988. To do so, an approach will be made to the work category, from its concrete to abstract conception; The capitalist mode of production, its transformations and repercussions on the organization of the labor force; The social precarization of labor and its latest instrument: outsourcing and, finally, the repercussion of the outsourcing institute in the world of work will be analyzed, with a view to conclude whether or not the mentioned phenomenon is compatible with art. 3, item III, of the Federal Constitution of 1988.

The year 2015 is a big milestone in the history of United Nations development projects. The Millennium Development Goals, which were agreed on by United Nations member states in 2000, are followed by the Sustainable Development Goals. This thesis, using development projects of the United Nations and more specifically the indicator of extreme poverty, analyses the Chinese economy and discusses it´s persistent negative factors affecting progress towards sustainable development. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first part focuses on the historical background of the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals. The second chapter then in particular studies extreme poverty, which is the fundamental component of the first target of the Millennium Development Goals. The third chapter provides an analysis of four thematic areas of the Chinese economy, which negatively affect economic development and which should become a government priority when speaking of further reduction of extreme poverty. The last part builds on the previous findings and presents specific sub-areas of the Sustainable Development Goals that address the defined problematics.

Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète. Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance. Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde. / The problem of extreme poverty in the Third World is not first and foremost a question of economy. It is above all a political one because it is the direct consequence of choices made by societies and of the organization of power at the level of the State and of various instances of the international community. Its object is the conquest of power and the distribution of wealth on a large scale. It is also a moral problem because the options taken collectively by nations and the society of nations tend towards or against justice and equality of opportunities for everyone. Extreme poverty and global justice form a binomial that therefore brings us back to the heart of political and moral theory. After the Second World War, political theory broadened its horizons. Since then, it also reflects on the exercise of power at the international level and the distribution of wealth at the world level. The phenomenon of economic globalisation creates a mutual dependency and important multilateral influences between the States. More than in the past, autarky is no longer something to consider. The dogma of the untouchable sovereignty of the States, that came forth from the Treaty of Westphalia in the XVIIth century, appears to be more and more obsolete in view of the common stakes that presently confront humanity. From which came forth the need for a remolding of the meaning of national sovereignties and for the founding of cosmopolitical rights for every individual on the planet. That is why the binomial in question provokes more of a philosophical reflection on the concept of responsibility that extends not only to the national sphere, but to a wide cosmopolitical amplitude. The expression “countries of the Third World” may seem archaic, pejorative and humiliating. However, more so than those of "under developed countries” or "developing countries" it accounts for, without embellishment, the raw, brutal, and far from elegant reality of the political and economical misery that exists there. Though it may be obsolete, it quite clearly delimits the area of conceptual and geographical definition of our field of philosophical investigation. It designates the grouping of countries that are excluded from the economical wealth distributed among the nations. Given that economic power generally goes together with political power, this grouping is also kept away from the major decisional centers. Characterized by an extreme poverty, the Third World reality requires a meticulous analysis of the causes of this extreme economical and political marginalization. A typology of the notion of responsibility offers a conceptual figure of this reality with a geometry of six angles: causality, morality, capacity, community, result and solidarity, as foundations for reparation. These aspects, under which responsibility is studied, are overseen by philosophical doctrines of consequentialist, utilitarian, deontological and teleogical type. The typology of responsibility gives rise to many solutions: bringing aid through philanthropy in helping to save lives; establishing and assigning responsibilities so that the mistakes of the past and the present be repaired both at the national and international levels; promoting the obligation to protect in a healthy international context that takes into consideration the negative duty not to harm the most disadvantaged of the planet; institutionalizing the transboundary rules of justice as well as of cosmopolitical rights. Finally, by omniresponsibility we will understand this as the responsibility of all towards those who endure the throes of extreme poverty in the Third World. Far from being a catch-all concept, it is an ensemble of shared responsibilities for identifiable actors on the world scene, with the view of coreparation due to the victims of global injustice. It aims at a telos: the blossoming of the welfare of the citizen of the world.

Millennium Development Goal 1 (MDG 1) on halving extreme poverty is measured with the international poverty line. The purpose of the study is to evaluate the measurement of MDG 1 by reviewing the robustness of the international poverty line and some of its national sub-reports. There are at least two problems in assessing a reliable poverty line, namely what constitutes extreme poverty and what kind of life situation this refers to. Through a qualitative content analysis, the study shows that the selected national reports lack a reliable reference for human dietary energy requirements pivotal for estimating a fair threshold for food needs. In the case that a reliable source was used, the activity level was prone to a wide range of interpretations and lacked procedural consistency.  The FAO (2011) has presented minimum dietary energy requirements that are below the references used in the national reports, which could shift the poverty line. The study also shows that the concept of “extreme poverty” has been used inconsistently. MDG 1 identifies extreme poverty as the inability to meet basic food- and non-food needs. The international poverty line is based on a myriad of national poverty lines ranging from minimum- to generous needs, where extreme poverty is defined as people barely having enough for the food component alone. These two variables create obstacles in setting a reliable international poverty line. A small shift in the international poverty line changes the poverty rates substantially, making it difficult for poverty programs and MDG 1 in truly identifying the people in most need of help.