This thesis examines the musical cultures associated with extreme-right politics, considering not only what this music projects about extreme-right ideology, but also the various ways in which music functions as part of a political subculture. This analysis extends beyond the stereotypical extreme-right music associated with the skinhead subculture, often referred to as Oi!, to incorporate extreme-right engagement with genres such as metal, folk, country and classical music. The chapters explore various aspects of identity—including race, sexuality, gender and class—and their significance to and reflection through extreme-right music, as manifested in genre choices, lyrics, album artwork and the features of the music itself. The thesis also considers the way in which less explicit content is produced and the motivation behind this, the importance of myth and fantasy in extreme-right music, and the way that the conspiracist mindset—which is prevalent, albeit not homogeneous, in extreme-right culture—is articulated both in extreme-right music and in the interpretation of mainstream music as antagonistic to extreme-right goals. Music is significant to extreme-right politics for a number of reasons. It is generally understood to be an effective tool in the indoctrination and recruitment of individuals into extreme-right ideology and politics, which is why music is sometimes freely distributed, particularly to youths. The very existence of this music can act to legitimise extreme-right views through the implication that they are shared by its producers and audience. Music also acts as an important tool for the imagining of an extreme-right community through its creation of a space to meet and create networks, a function consolidated by the media surrounding music, particularly websites, forums and magazines. As well as constructing the spaces for extreme-right communities, this music plays an important role in identifying the characteristics of those communities, in articulating what it is to be “us” as contrasted to “them.” Analysis of this music suggests that it has the ability to resolve the ideological contradictions which define the extreme right, even as this analysis reveals such contradictions.

Sammanfattning   2016 utnämnde den svenska regeringen en nationell samordnare för att lägga upp en strategi mot våldsbejakande extremism (Regeringskansliet, 2016). Då studien syftar att studera om begreppet terrorism är rasifierat och huruvida terrorism beskrivs med hänsyn till fördomar om människors bakgrund eller ursprung - gör författare en analys kring hur Regering framställt och framställer Våldsbejakande Extremismen. Undersökningen tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i Robert Miles (1989) rasifieringsteori, och studien använder en kvalitativ innehållsanalys som metodval. Genom att undersöka offentliga dokument som regeringen publicerat i arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism konkluderar analys att rasifiering förekommer i användningen av ”terrorism” till följd av att Våldsbejakande islamistisk extremism sammankopplas kulturella- och religiösa föreställningar som inte delar samma värdegrund som Västvärlden.Studiens slutsats är att analysens resultat, som understöds av tidigare forskning, påvisar att den politiska kontexten tar ställning i de olika typerna av våldsbejakande extremism. / Abstract   In 2016, the Swedish Government appointed a national coordinator to set up a strategy against violence-making extremism (Regeringskansliet, 2016). When the study aims at studying whether the concept of terrorism is racially and whether terrorism is described with regard to prejudices about people's background or origin, the author makes an analysis of how Government produces and produces violence-violent extremism. The study takes its theoretical basis in Robert Miles (1989) Theory of Reason, and the study uses a qualitative content analysis as method selection. By examining public documents published by the government in the work on violence-violent extremism, analysis concludes that racism occurs in the use of "terrorism" as a result of violence-violent Islamic extremism interconnecting cultural and religious beliefs that do not share the same value base as the Western world. The study's conclusion is that the results of the analysis, supported by previous research, show that the political context takes a position in the various types of violence-fighting extremism.

On January 6, 2021, America watched as thousands stormed the United States Capitol. Among the flags, shirts, and other memorabilia bearing former President Donald Trump’s visage stood a subtle symbol associated with several far-right conspiracy theories: “Q.” This qualitative study examines how the press’s coverage of the QAnon conspiracy theory shifted after the January 6 Capitol attack. The study finds that QAnon is often used as a reference point to imply negative connotations towards an individual or political party. Before the Capitol attack, news outlets were more likely to connect QAnon to political actors, whereas connections to far-right extremist groups were frequently made after the Capitol attack. / Media Studies & Production

The development of threat assessment protocols has largely neglected a theoreticalfoundation, leading to a multitude of protocols with little shared in the way of scientificfoundation. The focus of this study is to test components of two theories – Sternberg’s (2018) FLOTSAM Model and Maynard and Benesch’s (2016) Integrated Model of Dangerous Speech (IMDS) – as potential criteria to use in assessing the seriousness of online threats. This study utilized a dataset of 500 open-source online communications linked to the extremist QAnon movement. An EFA was used to pull an empirical model from the data. Three CFA and SEM were performed to assess model fit and threat prediction. The EFA found three factors of QAnonposts: foot soldier posts, fearmonger posts, and true believer posts. Overall, the study found support for the use of the IMDS in analyzing online threat. Future research should incorporate other ideologies and theories into further analysis.

Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) programs and policies are being developed and implemented across the country. CVE is being criticized by various community leaders and members due to its inherent criminalizing nature as it is currently put into place by the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). By exploring the various meanings of community in a multicultural community, various processes and practices can come to be analyzed as ways to prevent violent extremism without oversight from the DOJ and the DHS. Metro Detroit is a multicultural community that experiences statistically low levels of radicalization of community members who legitimize violent extremism. Even such cases can be delegitimized when considering the circumstances in which they exist. When examining the community cohesion that exists in Metro Detroit through various organizations, especially interfaith organizations, it becomes apparent that there is a strong attempt to create a cohesive community. The argument is not that community cohesion automatically leads to the absence of violent extremism, but that community cohesion builds relationships and practices so that potential causes for violent extremism can be addressed, lessened or diminished. It is suggested that the support of strengthening community cohesion in terms of CVE be dismantled from the DHS and the DOJ. Restructuring would best be supported as a joint effort between the Department of Education, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Department of Housing and Urban Development, all of which are better equipped to deal with the causes of violent extremism. / Master of Arts / Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) programs have recently been piloted in the United States in Boston, Minneapolis, and Los Angeles. Beyond that, federal funding is given to various non-profits or organizations across the country that aim to create a stronger community in order to decrease the level or threat of radicalization. Speculation regarding the role of the Department of Justice and the Department of Homeland Security and their involvement in CVE stems from the fact that their presence, specifically the Federal Bureau of Investigation, automatically criminalizes a marginalized or vulnerable community. Community leaders across the country are growing more concerned with how CVE programs and policy is are being implemented. Engaging communities and providing them with the necessary resources as a joint effort through the Department of Education, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Department of Housing and Urban Development without the securitized branding of CVE would be a more efficient way to deal with issues related to violent extremism. Community cohesion and practices to build such cohesion can prevent potential extremism by reducing marginalization and encouraging communication between different communities. The argument here is not that community cohesion automatically leads to reduced extremism, but that community cohesion builds relationships and practices so that potential drivers for extremism can be mitigated. By using Metro Detroit as a case study it becomes apparent that a high level of community cohesion and social cohesion play an integral role in leading to a lack of violent extremism in a multicultural community.

Yes / Digital integration and the emergence of new technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) are providing new tools for insurgents to use in spreading their propaganda through violent extremism. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has come to represent a conduit for insurgents in planning and carrying out their extreme agendas. This article provides a deeper understanding of the double-edged sword effect of AI in relation to violent extremism in the ASEAN context. It reveals that, even though AI has been very important in countering violent extremism, it has simultaneously facilitated terrorists in spreading their propaganda in more innovative and covert ways. The legal framework governing AI is still in its infancy and challenges such as the double-edged sword effect in the use of the technology require specific guidelines or legislation for use in effective governance.

Arbetet behandlar frågor rörande hur olika politiska subjekt ställs i ett dikotomt förhållande till varandra genom diskursiva praktiker. Meningsmotståndare tänks utmana varandras olika samhällsvisioner inom ett politiskt rum som utgörs av den demokratiska processen. Detta rum kan artikuleras genom olika politiska styrningsformer, exempelvis konsensuspolitik eller agonism. Oavsett form tänks samhällsordningen och dess politiska styrelseform med tiden etableras genom dess allmänna acceptans som underbyggs av dess legitimitet och acceptans av samhället i stort. Denna cementering kännetecknas av begreppet hegemoni. Studien utgår till stor del utifrån Chantal Mouffes tankar om det politiska som något som kräver ett konfliktelement för att driva samhällsutvecklingen framåt. Således ses konsensuspolitik som något som i längden skadar den demokratiska processen och det demokratiska samhället. Genom ett diskursanalytiskt tillvägagångssätt tolkas våldsbejakande extremism som ett fenomen utpekat av och genom samhällets hegemoniska ordning. Våldsbejakande extremism är således de krafter som bjuder den hegemoniska ordningen motstånd genom att presentera alternativa samhällsvisioner. När motstånd och förändringsmöjligheter inte upplevs kunna föras genom de etablerade demokratiska strukturerna riskerar de utlöpa i våldsamma sammandrabbningar, ofta betecknade våldsbejakande extremism. Således undersöker studien hur dessa olika krafter möts inom det politiska rummet och bjuder varandra motstånd. Det teoretiska ramverket konkretiseras genom det empiriska underlaget i form av intervjuer och rapporter.

Thesis (M. A.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1998. / Bibliography: leaves 99-106.

Through Critical Discourse analysis, this thesis examined the discursive construction of terrorism related events and finds out the common definiens of terrorism in the editorials of two Bangladeshi English-medium newspaper. The Daily Star & Dhaka Tribune, both the newspapers covered terrorism related events in their editorials throughout the year of 2015. This thesis finds out the discrepancies in the produced expression and in the use of other common definiens of terrorism in the editorials. The newspapers were different in producing expressions against terrorism while sympathetic in portraying the victims and usually supported the victims. Both the newspapers represented perpetrators from ideological perspective, while distancing the ideologies from religious teachings. The newspapers identify terrorism as a serious threat both to security, social stability and perceives terrorist attacks as a threat to many crucial democratic values. In light of the problem, the newspapers suggested various policy recommendation, criticized the law enforcement for failures and emphasized on the engagement of religious clerics to curb terrorism from a Bangladeshi perspective, while stressing on the promotion of secular values of the country and its society.

Violent islamistic extremism has together with violent right-wing extremism been marked as the highest probable threat for potential terrorist attacks in Sweden. Research within violent extremism has shown a certain level of consensus around what factors drive radicalization. A consensus about theories or models that most adeptly explain its causation is however not prevalent within the academic community. This paper presents a model based on conclusions drawn from the Social Identity Theory (SIT) and will test this model's relevance by analyzing empirical data from interviews made with five practicing Muslims. The interviewees' attempts to explain factors of radicalization have been analyzed by being compartmentalized into an ideological- or identity-based continuum. Factors of radicalization able to be explained by the SIT-model have been categorized as identity-based explanations, whereas factors depending on knowledge, ideology, or religion have been categorized as ideology-based explanations. Most of the experienced factors could be explained by the SIT-model, while only some of two interviewees` experiences could be categorized as ideology-based. The significance of the empirical data from this research and its implications will be presented in the chapter of discussion along with previous research and its theoretical framework; recommendations for de-radicalization and continued research will be given at the end.