The Swedish construction industry makes extensive use of foreign labour. Communication with the foreign workers is perceived as the biggest challenge, language barriers arise when people do not speak a common language. The purpose of the work is to investigate preventive measures and aids against problems that arise on construction sites due to a language barrier between people whose native language is Swedish and foreign workers, with a focus on safety aspects.   How Swedish companies work to counteract the negative consequences of language barriers on construction sites was analysed through a survey, which was sent out to professionals and white-collar workers who work on construction sites with foreign workers. The survey resulted in their view of the problem, which factors language barriers negatively affect and to what extent. This basis was used to compile recommended methods and tools to prevent language barriers on Swedish construction sites from negatively affecting safety.   The conclusion is that there are many good methods that are already widely used internationally and among the large Swedish companies. The problem is that the problems and challenges of foreign labour are not sufficiently recognized, and that many companies have not yet implemented methods to counter it.

意大利和台灣都有著典型的成熟經濟體的問題：人口老齡化，低生育率和長期勞工短缺，而這一切結合起來，便促使外籍勞工輸入到這個系統中。目前的研究是試圖找出台灣與義大利，兩個大規模移民 移入國，如何應證了這一新現象，透過分析它們各自的移民政策型態，發現交集和差異可以歸因於不同的經濟，政治和社會情況。 這項工作被劃分成數個章節，從一般到特殊。第一，解釋的目的和方法;第二，一個文學評論;第三和第四，分析意大利和台灣的情況;而最後兩章進行比較並得出結論。採用的方法是內容分析和歷史背景，利用定量和定性數據：前者是從初級和次級來源提取，從非結構化的與移民社區和移民機關面談。從這個研究的結果，很明顯，這兩個國家在他們各自的社會和經濟結構的變化都有不同的反應：緊急立法是比較典型的意大利決策，而規劃則是台灣的特徵。在這兩種情況下，國際政治都在影響政策的形成扮演了重要的角色：義大利作為一個已建立的超國家的一部分，歐盟，在立法上允許更多的授權;同時台灣在外交孤立與不安的兩岸關係上，則不得不更謹慎的規劃。 / Italy and Taiwan share common problems typical of mature economies: an aging population, a low fertility rate and a chronic labour shortage, which all combined have prompted the importation of foreign workers into their systems. The present research is an attempt to find out how the two countries – both latecomers in mass immigration – have coped with this new phenomenon, by analysing their respective immigration policy formations to uncover confluences and disparities that can be attributed to different economic, political and social circumstances. The work is divided in chapters that elaborate from the general to the particular. The first one explains purpose and methodology; the second one is a literary review; the third and fourth ones analyse the cases of Italy and Taiwan; and the final two chapters make comparisons and draw conclusions. The methods adopted are content analysis and historical background, making use of quantitative and qualitative data: the former are extracted from primary and secondary sources, the latter from unstructured interviews with migrant communities and authorities. From the results of this research, it is apparent that the two countries have responded differently to their respective social and economic structural changes: emergency legislation was more typical of the Italian policy-making, while planning characterised the Taiwanese attitude. In both cases international politics has played a major role in shaping policy formation: being part of an established supra-national formation such the EU allowed for more deferring and delegating in legislation; while being diplomatically isolated with a troubled cross-strait relationship compelled to a more cautious programming.

Bien que le gouvernement japonais ait historiquement été réticent à l’idée d’établir une politique d’immigration pour remédier au vieillissement de sa population, un nombre chaque année grandissant de migrantes et migrants se rendent au Japon pour y travailler, dans des conditions parfois difficiles. Alors que le gouvernement japonais et les principaux syndicats du pays semblent ignorer les revendications pour l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie et de travail, de nombreuses organisations de la société civile offrent leur soutien aux communautés migrantes. Afin de mieux comprendre comment s’organise ce mouvement social contemporain, nous avons procédé à une étude de cas au sein d'un tel groupe de défense des droits de la région de Tokyo, au Japon, par une observation participante et dix entretiens individuels. Pour analyser cette action collective, nous mobilisons le cadre conceptuel développé par Benford et Snow (2000) autour des « processus de cadrage », les « répertoires d'actions » et les « structures d’opportunités politiques » théorisés notamment par Tilly et Tarrow (2015) ainsi que les processus de construction d'une identité collective – l’identization – tels que proposés par Melucci (1996). Il ressort de nos analyses que le problème central identifié par le groupe de défense des droits correspond à l’absence d’une politique nationale d’immigration. Deux principales solutions sont donc mises de l’avant, soit l’adoption d’une telle politique par l’État japonais et la reconnaissance d’une société multiethnique et multiculturelle. Plusieurs limites subsistent toutefois quant à l’appel à l’action collective. Nos analyses permettent notamment de comprendre comment les principales actions mises en place par l’organisation ont historiquement visé le monde politique et peuvent être par moments peu adaptées au public que constitue la société civile japonaise. De plus, nous avons pu constater que la structure d’opportunités politiques, dont la législation portant sur l’immigration et le travail, favorise et limite de différentes façons l’action collective. Enfin, l’étude des processus de construction d’une identité collective nous a permis de mieux comprendre comment les communautés migrantes et d’origines diverses rencontrent certaines difficultés dans leur implication au sein du mouvement, alors qu’elles peuvent ne pas maîtriser la langue d’usage ou ne pas faire partie des réseaux de solidarités pertinents. / Although the Japanese government has historically been reluctant to establish an immigration policy to address the ageing of its population, an increasing number of migrants travel to Japan each year to work, sometimes under difficult conditions. While the Japanese government and the country's main trade unions are reportedly ignoring demands to improve their living and working conditions, many civil society organizations offer their support to migrant communities. In order to better understand how this contemporary social movement is organized, we conducted a case study within one such advocacy group in the Tokyo region, through participant observation and ten individual interviews. To analyze this collective action, we mobilize the conceptual framework developed by Benford and Snow (2000) around the "framing processes", the "repertoire of contention" and the "political opportunity structure" theorized by Tilly and Tarrow (2015) as well as the processes of building collective identities – identization – as proposed by Melucci (1996). Our analyses indicate that a central problem identified by the advocacy group is the lack of a national immigration policy. Two main solutions are therefore put forward, namely the adoption of such a policy by the Japanese government and the recognition of a multi-ethnic and multicultural society. However, several obstacles remain with regard to the call for collective action. In particular, our analyses help us understand how the main actions implemented by the organization have historically targeted the political world and may at times be ill-suited for Japanese civil society. In addition, we have seen that the structure of political opportunities, including immigration and labour legislation, facilitates and constrains collective action in different ways. Finally, the study of the construction of a collective identity has allowed us to better understand how migrant and foreign communities encounter a number of difficulties in their involvement in the movement, as they may not master the language or be part of the relevant social networks.