Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-04T13:36:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 enfoque_capabilidades.pdf: 1394637 bytes, checksum: a6cd0c2df02a7298caad840963cb1969 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-04T13:36:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 enfoque_capabilidades.pdf: 1394637 bytes, checksum: a6cd0c2df02a7298caad840963cb1969 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / UNISINOS - Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / Este trabalho versa sobre as relações entre a ética e a economia a partir de uma reflexão sobre o conceito de desenvolvimento. As diversas transformações porque tem passado a sociedade contemporânea nas últimas décadas avivam as discussões sobre o conceito de desenvolvimento e sugerem a necessidade de uma revisão conceitual e teórica. Amartya Sen entende que a chave para uma compreensão adequada do desenvolvimento reside em uma interpretação da liberdade como o fim último e o principal meio do desenvolvimento. O enfoque da capabilidade de Amartya Sen apresenta um conjunto de categorias que visam ampliar nossa compreensão sobre o desenvolvimento desde o exame das oportunidades, realizações, direitos e liberdades individuais considerando a pluralidade dos indivíduos e suas possibilidades existenciais. São objetivos gerais deste trabalho, identificar o sentido da liberdade e do desenvolvimento em Amartya Sen, a relação entre ambos e sua efetivação nas categorias presentes no enfoque da capabilidade; analisar essas categorias: funcionamentos, oportunidades, capabilidades e condição de agente (componentes do enfoque da capabilidade), explicitando suas principais contribuições para a perspectiva do desenvolvimento ético. De modo especial, procura-se compreender os fundamentos da perspectiva do desenvolvimento como liberdade; a partir da análise das principais premissas e pressupostos presentes em suas discussões com a economia moral utilitarista, a economia do bem-estar e a teoria rawlsiana. Embora alguns interpretes de A. Sen compreendam que do enfoque da capabilidade decorre os fundamentos para uma teoria da igualdade ou teoria da justiça, este trabalho segue uma interpretação mais branda, que acompanha outros estudiosos que vêem na obra seniana uma perspectiva normativa para o desenvolvimento ético que ao extrapolar tal âmbito desenvolve conceitos e categorias teóricas com potencial para a elaboração de uma ética do desenvolvimento. Defende-se que o enfoque da capabilidade de Amartya Sen constitui-se em uma perspectiva ético-econômica mais plausível do que as teorias econômicas existentes no que se refere à avaliação dos estados de uma sociedade e seu grau de desenvolvimento, liberdade e bem estar, em termos de enriquecimento da vida humana. Trata-se de enfoque normativo elaborado em relação dialética com a realidade social, capaz de contemplar discussões teórico-conceituais; fornecer ferramentas adequadas ao desenvolvimento de pesquisas e estudos empíricos sobre o desenvolvimento, com fins a orientar a formulação de políticas públicas através da instrumentalização e operalização das categorias presentes no enfoque das capabilidades. / This paper verses upon the relation between ethics and economics after such reflection on the development concept. Several transformations in which society has been through over the last decades highlight the discussions on the development concept and soar the necessity of a conceptual and theoretical review. Amartya Sen understands that the key for a suitable comprehension of development lays on an interpretation of freedom as the only end and main means of Development as Freedom. The capability approach of Amartya Sen shows a number of categories which aim to amplify our comprehension over the development since the exam of opportunities, realizations, rights and individual substantive freedoms considering the plurality of individuals and their existential possibilities. These are the general aims of this paper, identify the freedom and development sense in Amartya Sen, the relation between both and their effectiveness in the extant categories on the capability approach; analyze these categories: functioning, opportunities, capabilities and agency, (components of capability approach), highlighting their main contributions for the development ethics. In a special way, it was sought to understand the perspective fundaments of development as freedom: after an analysis of main assumptions and premises present in their discussions with the utilitarist moral economics, welfare economics and John Rawls' theory. Although some interpreters of A. Sen comprehend that the capability approach runs into fundaments for a new theory of justice, this paper follows a slighter interpretation, which accompanies other experts who see on the senian work a normative perspective for the development ethics which when overcomes such aim, it develops concepts and theoretical categories with potential for the elaboration of an ethics of development. It is defended that the capability approach of Amartya Sen is constituted in an ethic-economic perspective more plausible than the modern economic theories, which already endure referring to the evaluation of states in a society and their degree of development, freedom, well-being, in terms of enrichment of human life. It is treated a normative approach elaborated in a dialect relationship with the social reality, able to contemplate conceptual-theoretical discussions, supply with adequate tools to the research development and empirical studies about the development, aiming to orientate the formation of public politics through the manipulation and operation of present categories on the capability approach.

Este trabalho pretende demonstrar que nas democracias modernas, diante das exigências do neoliberalismo, a liberdade de imprensa estaria sofrendo um processo de ressignificação. Atualmente é possível dizer que a liberdade de imprensa aproxima-se do seu simulacro, afastando-se definitivamente do seu sentido original, político, de transformação e denúncia. O espaço mais importante é o da comercialização, é o da circulação do produto-notícia. São extraídas da liberdade de imprensa suas qualidades dinâmicas, transformando-a em mais um adorno publicitário, utilizado para a conquista de leitores e de anunciantes. Uma vez reconhecido como valor ético e recuperada a dinâmica própria do conceito, a liberdade de imprensa pode novamente posicionar-se na defesa dos direitos do cidadão. / This work intends to demonstrate that in the modern democracies, ahead of the requirements of the neoliberalism, the press freedom would be suffering a process from resignificance. Currently it is possible to say that the press freedom comes close to its simulacrum, moving away itself definitively from its original direction, politician, of transformation and denunciation. The space most important is of the commercialization, it is of the circulation of the product-notice. Its dynamic qualities are extracted of the press freedom, transforming it into plus an adornment advertising executive, used for the conquest of readers and advertiser. A recognized time as value ethical and recouped the proper dynamics of the concept, the press freedom can again be located in the defense of the rights of the citizen.

Abstract is available to download.

This study explores Islamism's interplay with higher education as the movement advances an agenda for worldwide reformation. Over an eighty-year period, Islamism has appropriated higher education institutions, professional associations, on- and off-campus organizations, and publications as a primary means to achieve its utopian objective of the Nizam Islami, or "Islamic Order." Findings show how the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt developed a Weberian bureaucratic organizational and administrative structure to exert influence not only in Egypt but also the world. A Qutb-inspired "hijra" of Muslim Brothers in universities proved itself adroit at filling macro-and micro-level policy vacuums in Soviet-aligned post-colonial societies, marginalizing traditional forms of Islamic faith. However, the movement was as likely to establish itself in other types of authoritarian states that alternately tried to appease and suppress the movement. The Islamist "hijra" came to North America in the 1960's, founding the Muslim Students Association and the Islamic Society of North America. Then, early leaders in those groups taught and studied at The University of South Florida (USF) in Tampa, Florida. Following the "successful" paradigm of the Muslim Brotherhood, Islamism's academic leaders brought to USF a program called "Islamization of society and knowledge"-disguised in the more benign term "civilizational dialogue"-which regards higher education as but another territory of reformation and conquest, or the dar al-harb. USF never addressed that aspect of re-Islamization from below (denoting quiet subversion of society) as a serious, possible academic freedom problem involving the politicization of USF's research and teaching mission. Re-Islamization from above (denoting violent destabilization of society) was debated, however, in a media campaign of Islamist dissembling that divided the university and its community for over a decade. Because of the stated hostility of Islamist education theory and practice to the academic enterprise, itself founded upon Enlightenment values of free inquiry, the study recommends that USF re-investigate the case about Sami Al-Arian, who was convicted in 2006 of providing services to the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, in part, by using the university as a front for his cause.

During the Civil War, musical fluidity led to an outpouring of songs written about the conflict. With every popular song came at least one set of alternate lyrics known as contrafacta. In this thesis, I analyze Northern anthem “The Battle Cry of Freedom,”and Southern anthems “The Bonnie Blue Flag” and “Dixie” and their contrafacta. Through the lens of contrafacta, I analyze how the North and the South understood the terms “liberty” and “freedom.”

A more conservative supreme court will likely have the chance to overrule Roe v. Wade. Many states have passed heartbeat laws that will probably be taken all the way to the supreme court, these cases will ask the supreme court to affirm fetal personhood, giving fetuses a constitutionally recognized right to due process and making abortion illegal. In this thesis, I will defend an expansion of protections for pregnant peoples through a socialized right to abortion.

Data arising from Cluster Randomized Trials (CRTs) and longitudinal studies are correlated and generalized estimating equations (GEE) are a popular analysis method for correlated data. Previous research has shown that analyses using GEE could result in liberal inference due to the use of the empirical sandwich covariance matrix estimator, which can yield negatively biased standard error estimates when the number of clusters or subjects is not large. Many techniques have been presented to correct this negative bias; However, use of these corrections can still result in biased standard error estimates and thus test sizes that are not consistently at their nominal level. Therefore, there is a need for an improved correction such that nominal type I error rates will consistently result. First, GEEs are becoming a popular choice for the analysis of data arising from CRTs. We study the use of recently developed corrections for empirical standard error estimation and the use of a combination of two popular corrections. In an extensive simulation study, we find that nominal type I error rates can be consistently attained when using an average of two popular corrections developed by Mancl and DeRouen (2001, Biometrics 57, 126-134) and Kauermann and Carroll (2001, Journal of the American Statistical Association 96, 1387-1396) (AVG MD KC). Use of this new correction was found to notably outperform the use of previously recommended corrections. Second, data arising from longitudinal studies are also commonly analyzed with GEE. We conduct a simulation study, finding two methods to attain nominal type I error rates more consistently than other methods in a variety of settings: First, a recently proposed method by Westgate and Burchett (2016, Statistics in Medicine 35, 3733-3744) that specifies both a covariance estimator and degrees of freedom, and second, AVG MD KC with degrees of freedom equaling the number of subjects minus the number of parameters in the marginal model. Finally, stepped wedge trials are an increasingly popular alternative to traditional parallel cluster randomized trials. Such trials often utilize a small number of clusters and numerous time intervals, and these components must be considered when choosing an analysis method. A generalized linear mixed model containing a random intercept and fixed time and intervention covariates is the most common analysis approach. However, the sole use of a random intercept applies assumptions that will be violated in practice. We show, using an extensive simulation study based on a motivating example and a more general design, alternative analysis methods are preferable for maintaining the validity of inference in small-sample stepped wedge trials with binary outcomes. First, we show the use of generalized estimating equations, with an appropriate bias correction and a degrees of freedom adjustment dependent on the study setting type, will result in nominal type I error rates. Second, we show the use of a cluster-level summary linear mixed model can also achieve nominal type I error rates for equal cluster size settings.

Chapter 1 shows that there is a negative relationship observed between sanctions and civil liberties in the target country, which is driven by how exposed the target country's trade was to the sanctioning countries. Using a fixed panel regression covering 160 countries from 1972-2005, it is found that import exposure to the sanctioning countries drives this negative relationship, with every percentage point of import exposure reducing the inverted FHI freedom score by 0.165 points. This implies that restricting imports to a country that promotes an oppressive response by the targeted government. Chapter 2 examines whether countries change their trade patterns in response to economic sanction threats in addition to imposed sanctions. Using a bilateral gravity panel dataset covering 180 countries from 1950-2005 I find that imposed sanctions cause a very significant 55.43% increase in purchases from third party suppliers or a smaller 49.78% increase in sales to third party buyers during sanction events. Sanction threats cause a 42.05% increase in purchases from third party suppliers, and a 42.76% increase in sales to third party buyers, all significant at the 1% level. I conclude that both imposed sanctions and sanction threats lead to a significant increase in trade with third party countries, preempting and subverting sanction regimes. Chapter 3 studies whether there is evidence of cheating during sanction events by examining the difference in reporting for exports in the selling country versus imports in the buying country. A systematic change in reporting behavior is detected, with the log difference of reported exports minus reported imports increasing 7.46% in the case of exporter imposed sanctions, and decreasing 9.86% in the case importer imposed sanctions. This is consistent with the theory that firms in the sanctioning countries face harsher penalties for being caught compared to the targeted countries.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’examiner en détail le concept de despotisme présenté par « la deuxième génération de la Nahḍa » - des penseurs actifs de la fin des années 1870 au début du XXème siècle - ainsi que d’éclaircir l’importance historique de leur effort intellectuel. En outre, l’objectif secondaire est de démontrer que cette génération, tout en tenant compte de l’esprit de la liberté comme norme politique, a développé une connaissance plus universelle qu’auparavant vis-à-vis du mécanisme du despotisme et des moyens d’y résister. Les intellectuels arabes du XIXème siècle commencent à utiliser le mot al-istibdād dans le sens de « despotisme », en entendant que ce concept, différent de celui de « tyrannie » qui est traditionnellement l’objet de condamnations, est un système oppressif qui bloque le développement de la société et qui cause la ruine de la communauté. Notamment depuis la révolte de ‘Urābī, les penseurs utilisent le « despotisme » comme un mot-clé pour lutter contre les régimes autoritaires et élargissent leurs débats non seulement au domaine politique mais également au domaine social avec des combats tels que la libération des femmes ou encore l’éducation, sans oublier le domaine culturel avec l’écriture de romans et l’activité théâtrale. Dans ce contexte historique, le réformiste musulman Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849-1905) contribue au développement du concept de despotisme, notamment à travers l’idée du « despote juste », et à la connaissance du système oppressif. Tout en gardant une conception platonicienne qui attribue la prospérité de l’État à la qualité et aux vertus de son dirigeant, il approfondit tout de même l’analyse sur le système de propagation du pouvoir qui transmet l’oppression des élites alliées avec les puissances européennes aux classes populaires et pauvres, par l’intermédiaire des classes moyennes.Les contributions des autres intellectuels à la critique du despotisme se diversifient. Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (1838/9-97) et Khalīl Ghānim (1846-1903) insistent sur le rapport idéologique entre l’impérialisme et le despotisme oriental. Adīb Isḥāq (1856-1884), inspiré par les Lumières européennes telles que Montesquieu et Rousseau, explique que la liberté et le despotisme forment un couple de concepts interdépendants qui se réfléchissent comme en miroir, ce qui rend d’autant plus aisé la substitution du couple de concepts politiques traditionnels que sont la justice (‘adl) et l’injustice (ẓulm). Par ailleurs, alors que Shiblī Shumayyil (1850-1917), darwiniste arabe, critique le despotisme du point de vue de l’organicisme social, ‘Abdullāh Nadīm (1845-1895) met en question, à travers ses fictions, la domination des privilégiés économiquement, culturellement et linguistiquement, sur les populations défavorisées. Enfin, Qāsim Amīn (1863-1908) et ‘Abdul Raḥmān al-Kawākibī (1855-1902) essayent quant à eux de concilier la connaissance de leur propre tradition avec les sciences modernes : ils mettent en lumière le rôle du pouvoir despotique dans l’ordre hiérarchique entre hommes et femmes, et replacent le despotisme oriental dans le contexte de la monopolisation des capitaux par les puissances coloniales au sein du système économique mondial. En somme, les penseurs de cette génération multiplient les efforts pour approfondir leurs analyses du despotisme indigène, pour construire un esprit commun, pour reconnaître sans concessions les défauts de leur propres sociétés, pour rendre prioritaire l’éducation du peuple aux dépens des intérêts du dirigeant et des privilégiés, et pour émanciper à la fois l’État et la société. Ainsi, nous montrons que ces auteurs ne tombent pas dans le piège d’une théorie soulignant les spécificités des sociétés arabo-musulmanes et aboutissant à défendre l’inévitabilité du despotisme dans cette partie du monde, mais qu’ils poursuivent au contraire leur quête de la conciliation de leur propre tradition avec une inspiration universaliste. / The objective of this dissertation is to examine in detail the concept of despotism as presented by the second generation of Nahḍa – Arabic thinkers active from the late 1870s to the early twentieth century - as well as to clarify the historical importance of their intellectual efforts. In addition, the secondary objective is to demonstrate that this generation, while taking into account the notion of freedom as a political norm, also developed a far more universal understanding of the mechanisms of despotism (and the means to resist them) than had hitherto existed.Arab intellectuals of the 19th century began to use the word al-istibdād as an equivalent to "despotism", understanding this concept, in contradistinction to traditional notions of “tyranny”, as an oppressive system that impedes the development of society, and which brings about the eventual ruin of the community. Particularly following the ‘Urabi Revolt (1879-1882), Arabic thinkers began to use the term "despotism" as a slogan in their fight against authoritarian regimes, and extended its use not only from the political field to the social field, notably with regard to the struggle for the liberation of women and the education of the people, but also to the cultural field, including through the writing of novels and plays. In this historical context, the Islamic reformist Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849-1905) made a particularly noteworthy contribution to the development of the concept of despotism, especially through his idea of the "just despot", and his analysis of the systems of oppression. While retaining the Platonic principle that the prosperity of the State depends upon the qualities and virtues of its leader, he simultaneously analyzed the ways in which the power system reproduced itself, transmitting oppression from elites allied with the European powers, via the middle classes, down to the lower classes and the poor. Many other intellectuals also contributed to the development of the concept of despotism. Jamal al-Dīn al-Afghani (1838/9-1897) and Khalīl Ghānim (1846-1903) emphasized the ideological relationship between imperialism and Oriental despotism. Adib Isḥāq (1856-1884), inspired by European Enlightenment thinkers such as Montesquieu and Rousseau, explained that the despotic state does not repress the people in the name of “repression” but creates -by giving the illusion of freedom to the public- a triangular system of fear, jealousy, and mutual suspicion. Moreover, while Shibli Shumayyil (1850-1917), an Arab Darwinist, criticized despotism from the perspective of social evolution, Abdullaah Nadim (1845-1895) questioned, through his fiction, the economic, cultural, and linguistic hegemony of the privileged classes over the masses. Finally, Qāsim Amīn (1863-1908) and ‘Abdul al-Raḥmān Kawakibi (1855-1902) attempted to reconcile their own traditional knowledge with modern science. They highlighted the role of despotic power in hierarchical relationships between men and women, and reexamined Oriental despotism in the context of the monopolization of capital by the colonial powers within the global economic system. In sum, the thinkers of this generation made every possible effort to deepen their analysis of indigenous despotism, to recognize the faults of their own societies, to prioritize the education of the people over the interests of the leader and privileged, to emancipate both the state and society from the yoke of autocratic tradition, and to evolve a common sprit or vision. Thus, these authors did not fall into the trap of emphasizing the specificities of Arab-Muslim societies, and thus defending the inevitability of despotism, but rather persevered in their quest to reconcile their own traditions with universal visions.

The relationship between ideas and history is important in order to understand the past and the present. The idea of religious liberty and the realization of that ideal in sixteenth-century Europe by the Anabaptists in Switzerland and South Germany in the 1520s was considered to be revolutionary in a society characterized by the union of church and state. The main impetus of the idea of religious liberty for the Anabaptists was the application of the New Testament standard of the Christian church, which was an independent congregation of believers marked only by adult baptism. The purpose of the present study is to demonstrate the contributions of the Swiss Anabaptists to the idea of religious liberty by looking at the ministries and activities of three major leaders of the early Swiss movement: Conrad Grebel, Michael Sattler, and Balthasar Hubmaier. This thesis takes up the modern form of religious liberty as analyzed by twentieth-century authorities, as a framework for better understanding the contributions of the Anabaptists. My research then explores the establishment of the first Anabaptist church in history, the Zollikon church outside of Zurich, and examines its organization membership, motives, and strategies for evangelizing Switzerland. In all areas influenced by the Anabaptists, there was considerable acceptance of their doctrine of a separated church. Their teaching on liberty of conscience also influenced people in towns such as Zollikon and Waldshut. Possible historical links between the Anabaptist doctrines and establishment of later Baptist denominations are shown.