追求自由與自知之明是英國小說家約翰‧傅敖斯作品中不斷出現的主題。其小說中之主角經常透過自我的追尋，打破各種人為制度的桎梧，而成就某種自由。本論文乃就其『法國中尉的女人』以及『捕蝶人』兩本小說來探討該主題。引文部分依據傅氏的『思想集--理想的典範』(The Aristos)中所呈現的概念勾勒出傅氏對自由理念的藍圖。 　　本論文共分三章：首章探討『法國中尉的女人』作品中主角莎拉‧伍德芙追求自由之過程。她身為維多莉亞時代的孤女，寧可承受被杜會人群放逐的命運，也不肯成為傳統法則盲目的遵奉者。她雖然付出了相當的代價--諸如遭孤立與唾棄等，卻也成就了可貴的"莫我"與"自由"。 　　第二章就另一主角查爾斯‧史密森的成長過程加以研討。史君本來具備成為少數精英的潛能，而莎拉的出現恰好扮演其"導師"之角色。對他而言，發掘自我對莎拉之真感情的過程正好刻劃了自我追尋的過程。而當他能夠依其"真我"做出"決定"之際，也正是他贏得"自由"的時刻。 　　末章對傅氏之典範人物－少數精英，再做進一步的描繪，並就其責任及兩種"階級"－少數精英與芸芸眾生之間的衝突加以探討。其中『捕蝶人』是本章主要的討論對象。我們發現傅氏所憧憬的自由並非建構在自私的個體利益上，而是回歸至人文的終極關懷。 　　也許誠如傅氏所言，"絕對的自由"無法輕易達到。然而，即使人類擁有的僅止於此一。"有限"的自由，卻也可能是人類未來唯一的救贖。 / The quest of freedom and self-knowledge is a recurring theme in John Fowles's works. The protagonists of his novels usually struggle to win their freedom from some sorts of constraints while achieving self-knowledge through the course of suffering. The task of this thesis is to explore the growth of the characters in Fowle's two novels--<u>The French Lieutenant's Woman</u> and <u>The Collector</u>. 　　This thesis is divided into three chapters. In the introduction, I try to costrue the Fowlesian idea of freedom, which is generally based on Fowles book of ideas-----<u>The Aristoi</u>. Those include existentialism, self-knowledge, the "nemo" (Fowles' term for "anti-ego"), and the aristoi (a term originated by a Greek philosopher, Heraclitus, to represent the moral and intellectural elite). All of them are concerned with Fowles perception of freedom; in this part, different concepts is discussed respectively. 　　In the first chapter, I explicate how Sarah Woodruff (the protagonist in <u>The French Lieutenant's Woman</u>) gains her freedom in the conservative Victorian society. My focus is on the particular conflict she must face and the social constraints from which she tries to extricate herself and how she evolve to be the "aristoi". Also, there is discussion on the price she must pay for her freedom. 　　In the second chapter, I deal with the process of self- discovery of the other protagonist in <u>The French Lieutenant's Woman</u>--Charles Smithson. Charles, a potential aristoi, undertakes an existential trial and evolves toward a new species, the aristoi; his self-discovery, however, is parallel to the recognition of his feelings toward Sarah. Like her, Charles chooses to win his freedom with an act of defiance against society--in his case, the break of his engagement with a conventional girl, Ernestina. 　　In the third chapter, I depict the paradigm of Fowlesian character--the aristoi. An exploration on the responsibility of this moral and intellectual elite, an examination on the conflict between the two categories-----the Few nad the Many, as well as a search of a reconciliation between these controversial categories are made, mainly referring to <u>The Collector</u>. 　　Limited as it might be, the Fowlesian freedom, I believe, will explore a new 'exit' for human and in turn contribute to the establishment of a 'better world'.

The Dissertation sets out the results of an evaluation of certain aspects of the Commonwealth of Australia's Freedom of Information Legislation and proposals to introduce a Freedom of Information Law in Sri Lanka. The major purpose of the study was: (i) to evaluate whether the Commonwealth FOI Act has achieved the objects of Parliament - whether members of the public could have a free access to government information subject to important exemptions. (ii) whether a FOI regime should be introduced to Sri Lanka In conducting my research, I devoted three chapters to FOI in Australia including the development of the legislation. I analysed key components of the legislation and researched to what extent the FOI Act has achieved its objects. I devoted two chapters towards the concept of transparency of government in Sri Lanka, the attitude of the Courts towards the concept of the right to information and whether Sri Lanka needs a Freedom of Information Act. In the last two chapters, I have devoted a chapter each to the concept of translocation of laws and about an ideal FOI Act for Sri Lanka, which is an adaptation of the Australian Act. The individual components of the methodology incorporated: (i) a literature survey of the Commonwealth FOI Act, Freedom of Information in the United Nations and in the USA; and Sweden, Canada and New Zealand; (ii) a literature survey concerning the transparency of government in Sri Lanka (ii) interviews with a cross section Commonwealth FOI administrators and key politicians, lawyers and a cross section of members of the press and public in Sri Lanka; and (iv) research of the Australian FOI legislation The empirical data present an analysis of key features of the Commonwealth FOI Act with particular attention to exemption clauses. I have recommended some amendments to the FOI Act in view of the Commonwealth Government's policy of outsourcing some of its activities and the creation of a position of FOI Commissioner. Finally my research indicates that Sri Lanka needs Freedom of Information legislation to meet the challenges facing a developing country that is endeavoring to reach 'newly developed status' early in the new millennium. Furthermore, international lenders and donors are now requiring that developing countries like Sri Lanka seeking aid, should show more transparency in its activities. I have drafted a Freedom of Jiformation Bill for Sri Lanka. I have based the draft on the Australian law adapted to suit the local conditions in Sri Lanka, which is in Appendix "G".

Australian debates about racial vilification legislation have been dominated by mainstream American First Amendment jurisprudence and popular American notions of 'free speech' to the exclusion of alternative Europeans models. This can be seen from notions of Australian racial vilification legislation as inconsistent with 'free speech' rights as well as the influence of some of the basic assumptions of First Amendment jurisprudence on political speech cases in the Australian High Court. Despite the widespread existence of legislation that penalises racial vilification at State and Federal levels, there has been a rise in Australia over the past 10 years of divisive 'race' politics. Against that background, this thesis considers the scope and limits of racial vilification legislation in Australia. It is argued that First Amendment jurisprudence is inadequate in the Australian context, because it is heavily dependent upon economic metaphors, individualistic notions of identity and outdated theories of communication. It assumes that 'free speech' in terms of lack of government intervention is essential to 'democracy'. It ignores the content, context and effect of harmful speech, except in extreme cases, with the result that socially harmful speech is protected in the name of 'free speech'. This has narrowed the parameters within which racial vilification is understood and hindered the development of a broader discourse on the realities of racist harms, and the mechanisms necessary for their redress. The author calls for the development of an Australian jurisprudence of harmful speech. Failing an Australian Bill of Rights, that jurisprudence would be grounded upon the implied constitutional right of free political speech, informed by an awareness that modern structures of public speech favour a very limited range of speech and speakers. The jurisprudence would take advantage of the insights of Critical Race Theory into the connections between racial vilification and racist behaviour, as well as the personal and social harms of racial vilification. Finally, it is argued that the concepts of human dignity and equality, which underpin European discrimination legislation and notions of justice, provide a way forward for Australian jurisprudence in this area.

<p><p>This thesis takes a closer look at the USA Patriot Act and the literary debate that has followed the passing of that Act. The aim of the thesis is to define what freedom is for the two opposing sides using McCallum's freedom model.</p><p>The literary analysis shows that the most common argument from authors who are pro Act is that in desperate times like these one must relinquish a part of the individual's freedom to ensure the safety of the collective. Amongst those authors who are against the Act concerns are raised for the possibilities of abuse as a result of increased government power such as the ability to detain immigrants for long periods of time, surveillance and increased exchange of information between federal agencies.</p></p>

<p>The purpose of this paper is to understand why education is a human right. I will look at works by the late Paulo Freire, a Brazilian educator. Paulo Freire worked for many years on developing a pedagogy to promote humanity. His goal was to demonstrate that a literate person will ultimately live a better life because she will be free from oppression and domination.</p><p>I chose to study Paulo Freire as a tool in proving why education is a human right because throughout his work he demonstrated the need for people to be literate in order for them to be considered “truly human”. I will address this term further in my argument.</p><p>This thesis is a work in progress. My goal is to include chapters illustrating Amartya Sen’s theory and ideology, and compare them to those of Freire’s. I would also like to include a chapter specifically dedicated to women and education, since it is common practice for women in many countries to sacrifice their right to education so the males in their families can attend school.</p>

<p>This master thesis studies how much the cycle time, i.e. the time it takes for an industrial robot to perform a given task, can be reduced if an extra degree of freedom (DOF) is added to the robot system. The extra DOF consists of a linear track, which is supposed to be used in an optimal way. The problem has been studied using simulations in the robot simulation tool RobotStudio. </p><p>To be able to run an optimization in Matlab, with the RobotStudio simulation cycle time as the object function, communication between Matlab and RobotStudio has been set up with an interface written in Visual Basic. An algorithm has been developed to solve the problem. Two different optimization methods have been examined and compared. </p><p>The resulting algorithm has been applied to test cases. The results show that the cycle time in several cases can be reduced by 20-30 percent, if the movements along the track are optimized with the suggested method.</p>

<p>In the debate generated by the authorization and reauthorization of the Patriot act we can find a wide range of opinions and ideas concerning the balance of freedom and security, and how that might affect the society. The government (the creators of the law) advocates the necessity of the Patriot act and its structural changes to secure the freedoms of USA. While opposing views suggest that these changes affect the balance of freedom and security in such a way that it might affect the way of life and be a threat to the civil liberties of the citizens. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the debate reflects how the Patriot act may have affected the balance between the various practices of freedoms and national security in USA.</p><p>This thesis investigates three aspects of the debate that concerns the Patriot act. The rhetoric’s used in the debate by both sides show some difference in the rationales of the debating sides. Some controversial aspects of the law undermine the safeguards that are suppose to protect the civil liberties and freedoms when their definitions are opened up for a wide arrange of interpretations. The third part of the thesis investigates the big brother mentality that is being fostered and culture of preparedness of all the nation’s dimensions and systems that is asked for in order to adapt to these systematic changes of their society that the law provides.</p><p>The investigation of the debate conclude that state apparatus takes on a role of coordinative micromanaging, which together with the culture of preparedness fosters the nation to always be on its toes. As a result of these changes the practices of freedom and the democratic values they nourish are being destabilized and undermined in the climate of fear that is being established.</p>

<p>The aim of this paper is to look into the occurrence of home schooling by choice in Sweden. It examines the subject of home education in order to provide an informative overview. It also looks into the legal aspects of the matter to see whether freedom of choice is an issue here when it comes to choosing a certain type of teaching for children of compulsory school age. A further purpose is to provide a comparison of home education in Sweden and in other countries such as the United States, England and Norway.</p><p>In order to do this we have carried out a secondary analysis of previous research and have also interviewed teachers as well as people with experience of home educating their own children. To accomplish this, we had to look to England for literature and home educating families as home education is a much more common practise in England.</p><p>The result of this paper strongly indicates that home schooling is not only a legally viable option to traditional schooling, both in Sweden and the other countries concerned, but that it is also a trend that is expected to increase. This is more than likely due to the modern society of today where freedom of personal choice is increasingly demanded by the general public and where the rule of collective culture and thinking perhaps is becoming a thing of the past.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>This essay begins with a presentation of the complex set of problems which relate to the interaction between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference (BrB 16:8, incitement to racial hatred). Can conflicts arise between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination? To shed light on this question, we have chosen to look at the issue from a new perspective. This perspective is based on the new challenges faced by Swedish society as a result of the changed composition of our population, our membership in the EU and our acknowledgment of certain international conventions concerning human rights.</p><p>Fifty years ago our population almost solely comprised of “native Swedes”. Today, because of massive immigration, our country can be described as multiracial and multicultural. This gives rise to questions concerning protecting minority groups from discrimination whilst also attempting to ensure that the non-discrimination acts do not compromise our freedom of speech. Our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions means that European law and international law sometimes override Swedish law. This restricts our freedom to decide the extent of our non-discrimination statutes, but can have positive effects on the right to freedom of speech and religion.</p><p>The arguments that are put forward in our essay may give rise to many questions but we will focus on two major issues. First, where does the law draw the line between the freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference? Second, are there inherit flaws in the law as a result of both the inner changes our society has gone through and our new responsibilities due to our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions?</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to answer these questions through studying and reflecting on the theory of law (doctrine). We will also analyse the existing written law and its sources, and consider court rulings and related judicial decisions. This analysis will enable us to make the following conclusion concerning the previously mentioned questions.</p><p>The freedom of speech is extensive and is not explicitly defined. Without explicit definition, no specific statements automatically become illegal. Therefore a person's freedom to express his own opinion in public is wide-ranging. Unfortunately our freedom of speech is not guaranteed for ever and therefore we have to both treasure and guard it from potential threats. Popular public opinion, populist interests or other specific interests may seek changes, which might effect our freedom of speech. The ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference is a specific interest of this kind. The purpose of this ban is based solely on good intentions. None the less, this ban could be a wolf in sheep’s clothing, as it might have a negative influence on the freedom of speech. When two justifiable causes come into conflict with one another – in this case the freedom of speech versus non-discrimination – a society must make difficult choices. Do we sacrifice part of our freedom of speech which will effect the whole population in order to protect minority groups, or do we sacrifice the rights of the minority in order to secure freedom of speech for all?</p><p>During the last few years there has been an increase in Nazi-organisations in Sweden, which have grown strong in terms of both the number of their supporters and the amount of attention which is paid to them by the press. These groups have used our democratic rights – which includes our freedom of speech – in order to spread their scornful opinions based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference. Through our study of court rulings concerning Nazis, we came to the conclusion that there is a strong tendency to convict Nazis. This is certainly the case if they call out “Sieg Heil” or salute Hitler. They are also often convicted if they are wearing the Nazi cross.</p><p>When the courts find that they are unable to convict a Nazi for the actions just mentioned, they often base their judgement on either one or two premises. If the prosecutor can not prove that it has been the Nazi's intention to spread a scornful message concerning a group defined by it's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference, he can not be convicted with reference to the non-discrimination act (uppsåtsrekvisitet). Moreover, if it can not be proven that the message has reached a considerable number of people and not just the Nazis private sphere, this also warrants the verdict of acquittal (spridningsrekvisitet). From our study of court rulings however, we found that the non-discrimination statute does fulfil its purpose. Most scornful or hate-filled messages are in fact disseminated to the wider public. This being the case, the Nazi is almost certain to be convicted.</p><p>Religious fundamentalism is not something entirely new in our society. Sweden has always had a few religious groups free from the state church and the members of the free churches have often held conservative religious beliefs, much like some Muslim movements today. Freedom of speech and religious freedom are of course two important elements of any democratic society, but through a court case concerning a Christian priest in a free church, the freedom of speech related to preaching has arguably become unacceptably extensive. In effect this court case means that as long as you can relate your scornful statement about a specific group included in the non-discrimination statute to a religious scripture like the Bible or the Koran, you can not be prosecuted.</p><p>This somewhat unsatisfactory conclusion is a result of Sweden adopting the European Convention of Human Rights. In this case the European Rights Law overrides the Swedish non-discrimination law and this leads to a flaw in our legal system relating to the protection of certain minority groups. It must be mentioned, however, that the European Convention of Human Rights is part of Swedish law, and therefore Swedish law can not contradict European law, RF 2:23. Given that we are bound by the European Rights Law, there is nothing Sweden can do about this flaw, which in the future might have even greater consequences in and on our multicultural society. For instance, what would happen if messages filled with hatred were spread by priests from the Christian free churches and fundamentalist Muslims. If these statements concerned the other group and the origin of the statements could be traced to the Bible and the Koran, the courts would have no way of convicting the preachers as this would go against the European Convention on Human Rights. This could result in serious social instability. Indeed, riots could break out as a result of such religious propaganda. The law would be powerless to halt the dissemination of the religious scorn which caused the riots.</p><p>We have come to three conclusions concerning intrinsic flaws in the law concerning the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference. We therefore recommend that the following changes should be made:</p><p>1. Concerning BrB 16:8, this act should include an unmistakable and transparent definition of the word “missaktning” (scornfulness or disrespect).</p><p>2. With reference to the High Court’s ruling regarding the priest and the European Convention on Human Rights, we recommend that Sweden should attempt to find a legal solution which will enable our courts to more easily convict scornful statements regarding certain minority groups, even if the origin of the statement can be traced to religious writings.</p><p>3. With reference to the instruction in the Freedom of Press Act (TF 1:4), we find it necessary to clarify which statements that can be looked upon as legal and which statements are unlawful.</p>

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