Résumé La recherche présentée ici porte sur la manière dont les protestants conservateurs francophones du Québec évaluent la compatibilité entre leurs croyances religieuses et les lois qui limitent le recours au châtiment corporel à l’égard des enfants. Plus précisément, elle s’intéresse à la façon dont ils résolvent les conflits éventuels entre leurs croyances puisées dans la Bible et ces lois. En ce sens, la Bible prescrit dans plusieurs de ses versets, notamment dans le proverbe 22 :15, d’utiliser le châtiment corporel comme moyen pour chasser une inclination au mal qui serait innée chez les enfants et d’effectuer ce châtiment à l’aide d’une verge. De ce fait, de nombreux protestants conservateurs emploient des objets (cuillers en bois, bâtons, baguettes) pour administrer ce châtiment à leurs enfants. Or, ces pratiques entrent en contradiction avec l’article 43 du Code criminel du Canada qui limite et encadre le recours au châtiment corporel et avec la Loi sur la protection de la jeunesse du Québec qui protège les enfants contre des traitements pouvant s’apparenter à de la maltraitance et qui risquent de compromettre leur développement. La méthodologie utilisée est une méthodologie qualitative mixte basée d’abord sur une série d’observations non participantes in situ à des services religieux et des ateliers d’enseignement doctrinal dans quatre congrégations protestantes conservatrices (deux Églises évangéliques, une Église pentecôtiste et une Église baptiste) suivie d’une série d’entretiens auprès de trente-neuf protestants conservateurs québécois francophones appartenant à ces congrégations. Ce matériel a été complété par une analyse documentaire des écrits produits par ces groupes et des écrits d’autres organisations conservatrices consultés par ces groupes. L’analyse des données a permis de dégager chez les protestants conservateurs à l’étude trois différentes attitudes face à l’incompatibilité entre leurs préceptes religieux et les lois séculières : une attitude de conciliation qui se traduit par un effort d’accommodement de ces préceptes à la loi ; une attitude d’omission face à la loi séculière où l’individu opte pour une désobéissance passive de la loi ; et une attitude contestataire face aux autorités où la désobéissance aux lois est envisagée comme une forme de militance. Nous examinons les éléments qui influencent ces différents positionnements face aux lois. En plus de répondre aux objectifs visés, la présente recherche constitue une étude approfondie du discours des protestants conservateurs québécois francophones sur le châtiment corporel des enfants et de leurs pratiques. / Abstract The goal of this research is to study how French-speaking conservative protestants from Quebec evaluate the compatibility between their religious beliefs and the laws and regulations limiting corporal punishment of children. The specific issue is how they resolve eventual conflicts between their beliefs derived from the Bible and the legal framework. Several verses from the Bible, in particular Proverbs 22:15, prescribe corporal punishment with a rod in order “to drive it far from him” a supposedly innate child’s inclination to evil. Hence, many members of conservative Protestant groups use objects (wooden spoons, sticks, rods) to inflict corporal punishment to their children. This practice puts them in contravention of article 43 of the Canadian Criminal Code, which limits and frames the use of physical punishment, as well as with Quebec’s Youth Protection Act, that protects children from mistreatment, or whose security or development is or may be in danger. The study applies a hybrid qualitative methodology based on a series of non- participant observations in situ of the religious services and doctrinal workshops at four conservative protestant congregations (two Evangelical churches, a Pentecostal one and a Baptist one) and interviews with 39 French-speaking members of such congregations from Quebec. Observations and interviews were supplemented with documentary analysis of material written or consulted by these groups. From the analysis of the data, we derived three different attitudes of the protestant groups considered in the study when contradiction arises between religious doctrine and the law: conciliation, with an effort to accommodate religious beliefs to the precepts of the law; omission, which results in a passive disobedience of the law, and a challenging attitude vis-à-vis the authorities where disobedience to the laws is considered a form of militancy. Different elements are taken into consideration in the decision-making process that leads to the different attitudes. In addition to its original goals, the research constitutes a detailed description of the doctrine of corporal punishment of children by conservative protestant French- speaking congregations from Quebec and several examples of its practices.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Breno Martins Campos.pdf: 1808092 bytes, checksum: 924beffaae55ecb4c71aacad09e530b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Women in review: a sociology of knowledge of the feminine in the Presbyterian Brazil (1994-2002) is a thesis with three sociological interests: knowledge, domination and religion. With its focus on the Presbyterian Church of Brazil, it searches to understand the reason why women are excluded from the positions legally stated of power and domination: the ordered office. Its historical cut is the transition from the 20th to 21st century, in which there were official attempts and an alto for alteration of denominational status quo. Two enterprises of constitutional reformation were proposed and debated in the competent councils in less than eight years, that included in the discussion the alteration of women statute in Presbyterian Church of Brazil, for her official space of actuation was amplified and her condition as a member equaled to the men s, with complete rights. The same historical period watched to a movement in which the puritan ethics and fundamentalist theology were used by the reactionary group to reaffirm the tradition and stop the opening of a new time, more feminine, dialogic and inclusive. Inheritance of the United States protestant missions of the 19th century for Brazilian churches, the puritan ethics proposes as a way of salvation a kind of active ascetic practices that deny the world at the same time in which fight for its transformation; the fundamentalism is the literalist Bible interpretation pattern that works for the arrest of the truth rather than to exclude dissent groups and people. The hermeneutical literalism forbids that biblical texts could be used in behalf of feminine ordering; the puritan ethics suggests or imposes to the women a proper space under to men, at home and in the church. The changing projects intended by the Presbyterian Church of Brazil high hierarchy, leaded by Rev. Guilhermino Cunha, were aborted, in dynamic peculiar to the function of religious field. In the very 21st century women cannot be pastors, elders or deacons in IPB: condition in such a flagrant contradiction with the democratic-representative system of government. The reading of official speeches of the denomination, by its journal, the Brasil Presbiteriano, and by Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina s magazine, the SAF em Revista, allows to affirm that the Brazilian Presbyterian leaderships, masculine and feminine, at the doors of 21st century, opted for the permanence in the 20th century, or rather than, in 19th century. To open the 21st century, or to open itself to it, is the challenge for the contemporary Presbyterian Church of Brazil, specially to the women, in order that the religious institution promotes and amplifies the internal dialogue, inter-religious and with society, the first steps to the legitimate exercise of democracy, inclusion, fight against prejudice and discrimination, and for the establishment of an ethical project for all / Mulheres em revista: uma sociologia da compreensão do feminino no Brasil presbiteriano (1994-2002) é uma tese com triplo interesse sociológico: compreensão, dominação e religião. Com o foco direcionado para a Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil (IPB), busca compreender por que as mulheres são excluídas das posições legalmente estatuídas de poder e dominação: o oficialato ordenado. Ainda no calor da hora, seu recorte histórico é a passagem do século XX para o século XXI, na qual houve tentativas oficiais e pelo alto de alteração do status quo denominacional. Foram propostas e debatidas nos concílios competentes duas iniciativas de reforma constitucional em menos de oito anos, que incluíam na discussão a alteração do estatuto da mulher na IPB, para que seu espaço oficial de atuação fosse ampliado e sua condição de membro, igualada à do homem com plenos direitos. O mesmo período histórico assistiu a um movimento em que ética puritana e teologia fundamentalista foram utilizadas pelo grupo reacionário dos que detêm o poder na IPB para reafirmar a tradição e impedir a abertura de um novo tempo, mais feminino, dialógico e inclusivo. Herança das missões protestantes estadunidenses do século XIX para as igrejas brasileiras, a ética puritana propõe como caminho de salvação uma espécie de ascese ativa, que nega o mundo ao mesmo tempo em que luta pela sua transformação; o fundamentalismo é o modelo literalista de interpretação da Bíblia, que funciona pelo aprisionamento da verdade a excluir grupos e pessoas divergentes. O literalismo hermenêutico proíbe que textos bíblicos possam ser usados em favor da ordenação feminina; a ética puritana sugere ou impõe à mulher um espaço próprio e subordinado ao homem, na casa e na igreja. Os projetos de mudança pretendidos por parte da cúpula da IPB, Rev. Guilhermino Cunha à frente, foram abortados também pelo alto, em dinâmica própria ao funcionamento do campo religioso. Em pleno século XXI, as mulheres não podem ser pastoras, presbíteras ou diaconisas na IPB: condição em flagrante contradição com o autodenominado sistema democrático-representativo de governo. A leitura dos discursos oficiais da denominação, por meio de seu jornal, o Brasil Presbiteriano, e da revista da Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina, a SAF em Revista, permite a afirmação de que as lideranças presbiterianas do Brasil, masculina e feminina, às portas do século XXI optaram pela permanência no século XX ou, antes disso, no século XIX. Abrir o século XXI, ou abrir-se para ele, é o desafio para IPB contemporânea, especialmente, para suas mulheres, a fim de que a instituição religiosa promova e amplie o diálogo interno, inter-religioso e com a sociedade, os primeiros passos para o exercício legítimo da democracia, inclusão, luta contra preconceito e discriminação, e para o estabelecimento de um projeto de ética para todos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Breno Martins Campos.pdf: 1808092 bytes, checksum: 924beffaae55ecb4c71aacad09e530b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Women in review: a sociology of knowledge of the feminine in the Presbyterian Brazil (1994-2002) is a thesis with three sociological interests: knowledge, domination and religion. With its focus on the Presbyterian Church of Brazil, it searches to understand the reason why women are excluded from the positions legally stated of power and domination: the ordered office. Its historical cut is the transition from the 20th to 21st century, in which there were official attempts and an alto for alteration of denominational status quo. Two enterprises of constitutional reformation were proposed and debated in the competent councils in less than eight years, that included in the discussion the alteration of women statute in Presbyterian Church of Brazil, for her official space of actuation was amplified and her condition as a member equaled to the men s, with complete rights. The same historical period watched to a movement in which the puritan ethics and fundamentalist theology were used by the reactionary group to reaffirm the tradition and stop the opening of a new time, more feminine, dialogic and inclusive. Inheritance of the United States protestant missions of the 19th century for Brazilian churches, the puritan ethics proposes as a way of salvation a kind of active ascetic practices that deny the world at the same time in which fight for its transformation; the fundamentalism is the literalist Bible interpretation pattern that works for the arrest of the truth rather than to exclude dissent groups and people. The hermeneutical literalism forbids that biblical texts could be used in behalf of feminine ordering; the puritan ethics suggests or imposes to the women a proper space under to men, at home and in the church. The changing projects intended by the Presbyterian Church of Brazil high hierarchy, leaded by Rev. Guilhermino Cunha, were aborted, in dynamic peculiar to the function of religious field. In the very 21st century women cannot be pastors, elders or deacons in IPB: condition in such a flagrant contradiction with the democratic-representative system of government. The reading of official speeches of the denomination, by its journal, the Brasil Presbiteriano, and by Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina s magazine, the SAF em Revista, allows to affirm that the Brazilian Presbyterian leaderships, masculine and feminine, at the doors of 21st century, opted for the permanence in the 20th century, or rather than, in 19th century. To open the 21st century, or to open itself to it, is the challenge for the contemporary Presbyterian Church of Brazil, specially to the women, in order that the religious institution promotes and amplifies the internal dialogue, inter-religious and with society, the first steps to the legitimate exercise of democracy, inclusion, fight against prejudice and discrimination, and for the establishment of an ethical project for all / Mulheres em revista: uma sociologia da compreensão do feminino no Brasil presbiteriano (1994-2002) é uma tese com triplo interesse sociológico: compreensão, dominação e religião. Com o foco direcionado para a Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil (IPB), busca compreender por que as mulheres são excluídas das posições legalmente estatuídas de poder e dominação: o oficialato ordenado. Ainda no calor da hora, seu recorte histórico é a passagem do século XX para o século XXI, na qual houve tentativas oficiais e pelo alto de alteração do status quo denominacional. Foram propostas e debatidas nos concílios competentes duas iniciativas de reforma constitucional em menos de oito anos, que incluíam na discussão a alteração do estatuto da mulher na IPB, para que seu espaço oficial de atuação fosse ampliado e sua condição de membro, igualada à do homem com plenos direitos. O mesmo período histórico assistiu a um movimento em que ética puritana e teologia fundamentalista foram utilizadas pelo grupo reacionário dos que detêm o poder na IPB para reafirmar a tradição e impedir a abertura de um novo tempo, mais feminino, dialógico e inclusivo. Herança das missões protestantes estadunidenses do século XIX para as igrejas brasileiras, a ética puritana propõe como caminho de salvação uma espécie de ascese ativa, que nega o mundo ao mesmo tempo em que luta pela sua transformação; o fundamentalismo é o modelo literalista de interpretação da Bíblia, que funciona pelo aprisionamento da verdade a excluir grupos e pessoas divergentes. O literalismo hermenêutico proíbe que textos bíblicos possam ser usados em favor da ordenação feminina; a ética puritana sugere ou impõe à mulher um espaço próprio e subordinado ao homem, na casa e na igreja. Os projetos de mudança pretendidos por parte da cúpula da IPB, Rev. Guilhermino Cunha à frente, foram abortados também pelo alto, em dinâmica própria ao funcionamento do campo religioso. Em pleno século XXI, as mulheres não podem ser pastoras, presbíteras ou diaconisas na IPB: condição em flagrante contradição com o autodenominado sistema democrático-representativo de governo. A leitura dos discursos oficiais da denominação, por meio de seu jornal, o Brasil Presbiteriano, e da revista da Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina, a SAF em Revista, permite a afirmação de que as lideranças presbiterianas do Brasil, masculina e feminina, às portas do século XXI optaram pela permanência no século XX ou, antes disso, no século XIX. Abrir o século XXI, ou abrir-se para ele, é o desafio para IPB contemporânea, especialmente, para suas mulheres, a fim de que a instituição religiosa promova e amplie o diálogo interno, inter-religioso e com a sociedade, os primeiros passos para o exercício legítimo da democracia, inclusão, luta contra preconceito e discriminação, e para o estabelecimento de um projeto de ética para todos

Résumé La recherche présentée ici porte sur la manière dont les protestants conservateurs francophones du Québec évaluent la compatibilité entre leurs croyances religieuses et les lois qui limitent le recours au châtiment corporel à l’égard des enfants. Plus précisément, elle s’intéresse à la façon dont ils résolvent les conflits éventuels entre leurs croyances puisées dans la Bible et ces lois. En ce sens, la Bible prescrit dans plusieurs de ses versets, notamment dans le proverbe 22 :15, d’utiliser le châtiment corporel comme moyen pour chasser une inclination au mal qui serait innée chez les enfants et d’effectuer ce châtiment à l’aide d’une verge. De ce fait, de nombreux protestants conservateurs emploient des objets (cuillers en bois, bâtons, baguettes) pour administrer ce châtiment à leurs enfants. Or, ces pratiques entrent en contradiction avec l’article 43 du Code criminel du Canada qui limite et encadre le recours au châtiment corporel et avec la Loi sur la protection de la jeunesse du Québec qui protège les enfants contre des traitements pouvant s’apparenter à de la maltraitance et qui risquent de compromettre leur développement. La méthodologie utilisée est une méthodologie qualitative mixte basée d’abord sur une série d’observations non participantes in situ à des services religieux et des ateliers d’enseignement doctrinal dans quatre congrégations protestantes conservatrices (deux Églises évangéliques, une Église pentecôtiste et une Église baptiste) suivie d’une série d’entretiens auprès de trente-neuf protestants conservateurs québécois francophones appartenant à ces congrégations. Ce matériel a été complété par une analyse documentaire des écrits produits par ces groupes et des écrits d’autres organisations conservatrices consultés par ces groupes. L’analyse des données a permis de dégager chez les protestants conservateurs à l’étude trois différentes attitudes face à l’incompatibilité entre leurs préceptes religieux et les lois séculières : une attitude de conciliation qui se traduit par un effort d’accommodement de ces préceptes à la loi ; une attitude d’omission face à la loi séculière où l’individu opte pour une désobéissance passive de la loi ; et une attitude contestataire face aux autorités où la désobéissance aux lois est envisagée comme une forme de militance. Nous examinons les éléments qui influencent ces différents positionnements face aux lois. En plus de répondre aux objectifs visés, la présente recherche constitue une étude approfondie du discours des protestants conservateurs québécois francophones sur le châtiment corporel des enfants et de leurs pratiques. / Abstract The goal of this research is to study how French-speaking conservative protestants from Quebec evaluate the compatibility between their religious beliefs and the laws and regulations limiting corporal punishment of children. The specific issue is how they resolve eventual conflicts between their beliefs derived from the Bible and the legal framework. Several verses from the Bible, in particular Proverbs 22:15, prescribe corporal punishment with a rod in order “to drive it far from him” a supposedly innate child’s inclination to evil. Hence, many members of conservative Protestant groups use objects (wooden spoons, sticks, rods) to inflict corporal punishment to their children. This practice puts them in contravention of article 43 of the Canadian Criminal Code, which limits and frames the use of physical punishment, as well as with Quebec’s Youth Protection Act, that protects children from mistreatment, or whose security or development is or may be in danger. The study applies a hybrid qualitative methodology based on a series of non- participant observations in situ of the religious services and doctrinal workshops at four conservative protestant congregations (two Evangelical churches, a Pentecostal one and a Baptist one) and interviews with 39 French-speaking members of such congregations from Quebec. Observations and interviews were supplemented with documentary analysis of material written or consulted by these groups. From the analysis of the data, we derived three different attitudes of the protestant groups considered in the study when contradiction arises between religious doctrine and the law: conciliation, with an effort to accommodate religious beliefs to the precepts of the law; omission, which results in a passive disobedience of the law, and a challenging attitude vis-à-vis the authorities where disobedience to the laws is considered a form of militancy. Different elements are taken into consideration in the decision-making process that leads to the different attitudes. In addition to its original goals, the research constitutes a detailed description of the doctrine of corporal punishment of children by conservative protestant French- speaking congregations from Quebec and several examples of its practices.

This thesis examines the ideological nexus of nationalism and heritage under the social conditions of neoliberalism. The investigation aims to demonstrate how neoliberal economics stimulate the irrationalism manifest in nationalist idealisation of the past. The institutionalisation of national heritage was originally a rational function of the modern state, symbolic of its political and cultural authority. With neoliberal erosion of the productive economy and public institutions, heritage and nostalgia proliferate today in all areas of social life. It is argued that this represents a social pathology linked to the neoliberal state's inability to construct a future-orientated national project. These conditions enhance the appeal of irrational nationalist and regionalist ideologies idealising the past as a source of cultural purity. Unable to achieve social cohesion, the neoliberal state promotes multiculturalism, encouraging minorities to embrace essentialist identity politics that parallel the nativism of right-wing nationalists and regionalists. This phenomenon is contextualised within the general crisis of progressive modernisation in Western societies that has accompanied neoliberalisation and globalisation. A new theory of activist heritage is advanced to describe autonomous, politicised heritage that appropriates forms and practices from the state heritage sector. Using this concept, the politics of irrational nationalism and regionalism are explored through fieldwork, including participant observation, interviews and photography. The interaction of state and activist heritage is considered at the Wewelsburg 1933-1945 Memorial Museum in Germany wherein neofascists have re-signified Nazi material culture, reactivating it within contemporary political narratives. The activist heritage of Israeli Zionism, Irish Republicanism and Ulster Loyalism is analysed through studies of museums, heritage centres, archaeological sites, exhibitions, monuments and historical re-enactments. These illustrate how activist heritage represents a political strategy within irrational ideologies that interpret the past as the ethical model for the future. This work contends that irrational nationalism fundamentally challenges the Enlightenment's assertion of reason over faith, and culture over nature, by superimposing pre-modern ideas upon the structure of modernity. An ideological product of the Enlightenment, the nation state remains the only political unit within which a rational command of time and space is possible, and thus the only viable basis for progressive modernity.

Text in English / The southern Appalachian mountain region is home to a sincere group of religious fundamentalists. They obey Jesus' last command that serpents should be taken up (Mark 16:17-18). They believe the Holy Ghost anoints them and gives them the power to handle serpents, drink poisons, handle fire, and to heal the sick. Nevertheless, they are fully aware that they may be bitten and may even die. Each church is autonomous. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)

The diploma thesis deals with the terrorism and war, their meaning in the globalised world and with the possibility of ethical justification of violence. Theoretical part delineates terrorism, its terminology and political and social environment. It describes kinds and methods of terrorism, its history and some of the terrorist organizations with their goals. The thesis also compares terrorism and war in the parts where they intersect. In the next chapters it presents original ethical theories which would be supported by the moral assessment of violent enforcing of interests. There is explained the term of just war, its basic principles and obligatory attributes. Practical part characterize three chosen actual conflicts: the Al- Qaeda attacks on the United States from 11th September, 2001, Chechnya war for its autonomy and current factual occupation of Iraq by allied forces. Legitimate setting in the sense of ius ad bellum, the right to defend by the use of violence, was not mostly deconstructed. In the area of ius in bello, the right in the war, the hypothesis was not verified and the particular violent action did not fulfill some of the basic principles of just war.

本篇論文旨在探討中共與伊朗在各層面關係的演變，及兩國關係發展的限制。本論文的研究途徑係採取系統理論，透過國際環境、國內環境與決策者因素的探討，以瞭解中伊各項關係受到哪些因素的影響。 基本上，中伊兩國以「經貿互利、權力與安全」為主軸，分別進行各種層面關係的互動。首先，在中伊關係特點上，中伊政治外交關係的特點包括推動「反對霸權主義」、「反對單極國際體系」及追求「互利合作」。軍事關係的特點在於獲取政治與商業利益，降低伊朗研發武器的成本。能源關係的特點在於平衡兩國的貿易關係、確保能源安全。經貿與科技關係的特點在於創造對中伊兩國互利的經貿利益，促進伊朗科技發展。 以政策目標來看，中共對伊朗的政策目標在於推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；兩伊戰爭期間維持平衡的外交策略；促成兩伊戰爭的和平解決；鞏固中共對伊朗的政治影響力；推動中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；基於反對單極國際體系的理念，推動國際議題合作；推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；防範中亞地區分裂主義及基本教義主義擴張；增加中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；增加中共對伊朗核問題的影響力。在軍事關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括提供伊朗所需武器，抵禦國外勢力的攻擊；避免伊朗遭受區域強權或國際大國的安全威脅；維護伊朗和平使用核能的權利。在能源關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括平衡中伊兩國的貿易逆差；探詢與伊朗進行能源合作的機會；增加從伊朗進口的能源數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘計畫；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域；增加從伊朗進口原油的數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘機會；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域。在經貿與科技關係上，中共對伊朗的目標包括加強中伊雙邊貿易；增加與伊朗經濟合作的項目；促進中伊兩國的科技合作。 本文以政治外交、軍事、能源、經貿與科技作為實務分析的面向，並以三個時期為區分，分別是鄧小平時期(1979年至1988年)、江澤民時期(1989年至2002年)、胡錦濤時期(2003年至2008年)。在鄧小平主政期間，中伊關係以國家安全及權力平衡為主軸。中伊關係最重要的面向就是軍事關係。江澤民主政期間，中伊關係則以經貿互利及權力平衡為主軸。此時期經貿與科技關係、能源關係及政治外交關係則是雙方發展的重點層面。在胡錦濤主政期間，中共與伊朗關係改以「互利合作」作為主軸。此時期中伊的能源關係、經貿與科技互動成為雙方關係的重點，政治外交關係及軍事關係則退居其後。 綜觀中共與伊朗伊斯蘭政府關係的基礎，建立在中伊雙方國家利益考量。對中共而言，伊朗戰略地理位置重要，與中共同屬第三世界開發中國家，兩國歷史情誼淵源已久，都是促成因素之一。其次，在中東地區以親美政府為主的國家中，伊朗伊斯蘭政府反其道而行，抱持反美且不親蘇的立場，此外，伊朗能源蘊藏豐富，因此伊朗成為中共在中東地區的重要據點。 對伊朗政府而言，中共在以阿議題上，屬於少數較為同情巴勒斯坦立場的國際大國，同時中共反對現有的以美國為主導的國際體系、以第三世界開發中國家與伊朗立場相近。此外，中共在國際政治或區域議題上具有舉足輕重的地位，在國際議題上更具有實質影響力。 從中伊關係的發展，可以發現幾個大趨勢：第一、中伊關係的發展中，主導權越來越操之在中共的手中；第二、中共在盱衡整體國家利益下，對於伊朗的強硬態度，已經無法給予強力支持；第三、中共與伊朗關係發展中，能源、經貿等實質利益，已經逐漸取代政治與戰略利益的重要性。第四、中共有意透過國際組織的力量，給予伊朗適當的壓力；第五、中伊雙方互動在遇到歧見時，向來秉持「求同存異」、「各取所需」的精神，以不傷害彼此既有關係的前提下，以獲取各自最大的利益。 展望未來中、伊兩國關係發展的前景，中伊兩國仍會維持各關係層面的議題式合作關係。中伊兩國政治外交關係的未來的動向，將取決於伊朗內部政治的演變與伊朗及美國關係的發展，如果伊朗國內的激進派持續在外交政策上採取不退讓的立場，美國對伊朗的政策將趨於強勢，如此，中共與伊朗關係的發展很難繼續突破。但是，面對伊朗豐富的能源儲量與產量，加上維護能源安全已經是中共的外交要項，美國倘若對伊朗採取強制作為，中共絕不可能默許。至於伊朗方面，它必須仰賴具有傳統友誼基礎，又是聯合國常任安理國的中共在各項議題上為其執言。因此，即使中共在某些議題的立場上向美國靠攏，但是伊朗也不敢斷然與中共反目成仇。其次，對伊朗而言，無論在經貿科技上或者能源上，中共是個較能信賴的國家，伊朗不願讓這些實質關係倒退。短期內中共與伊朗關係仍將以經貿、能源為主，政治外交關係將退居其次。此外，中共也將持續維持伊朗成為中東地區制衡美國勢力過度擴張的據點。 / The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the development of China and Iran relations and to understand the factors contributing to the adjustment of bilateral relations. The writer intends to introduce system theory as analytical approach. The finding of this study is that the bilateral relationship between China and Iran is established on the mutually economic benefits, power and security. On the diplomatic dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by anti-hegemony, anti-unipolar international system, mutually benefits and cooperation. On the military dimension China and Iran relationship is characterized by enhancing Iran’s sovereignty and national security. China and Iran relationship is characterized by balancing mutual trade imbalance and ensuring energy security. On the economic technological dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by creating mutual interests for both nations and advancing Iran’s technological development. In terms of policy objectives, China’s objectives are many folds. On diplomatic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises promoting issue cooperation with Iran, supporting Iran’s independent foreign policy, fending off foreign intervention in Iran’s domestic affairs, ensuring Iran’s status as a regional power. On military dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises helping establish Iran’s national defense power, helping stave off potential security threats directed toward Iran. On energy dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises balancing mutual trade imbalance. On economic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises enhancing mutual trade and tapping into Iran’s market. In terms of policy instrument, China and Iran try to achieve policy objective via the use of a variety of policy instruments, ranging from diplomatic bargaining, high ranking officers visits, arms sales, military cooperation, military officers visits, negotiation on Iran nuclear issue, energy trade, nuclear technological cooperation, energy joint development, economic and trade bargaining, engineering contract, assistance in technology and funding. This analysis is conducted from several different dimensions of China and Iran relations, that is, diplomatic, military, energy, economic and trade dimensions. For the analytical needs, this analysis is mainly divided into three periods, from 1979 to 1988, 1989 to 2002 and 2003 to 2008. From 1979 to 1988 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on military dimension featured by national security and balance of power. From 1989 to 2002 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually economic benefits and balance of power. From 2003 to 2008 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually benefits and oooperation. From the track of China and Iran relations, several trends can be inductively identified. First the leverage is more favorable to China. Secondly China has reduced its all-out support for Iran’s militant foreign policy. Thirdly the substantive interests such as energy and economic ones have surpassed economic and strategic ones in terms of importance. Fourthly China try to press Iran to readjust the latter’s policy through the force of international organizations. Fifthly China and Iran will adopt the principle of ‘put aside the difference and pursue the consensus’ and ‘to serve one’s own need’ if there is conflicting opinion between China and Iran. From the process of China and Iran relations, some major limitations can also be identified. First the international environment factor, particularly U.S. factor, is a critical source of limitation. China has to strike a balance in its relationship between Iran and U.S. Secondly China’s decision maker’s policy adjustment is also a source of limitation. In the process of its peacefully rising as a responsible great power, China chooses to abide by international regimes and keep cautious in dealing with Iran’s contentious issues. Thirdly China’s long standing principle of non-involvement in highly disputed issues also hamper China-Iran relationship. Fourthly the dominance of Iran’s conservative faction has indirectly impeded China-Iran relation. The future of China and Iran diplomatic relations will depend on the development of Iran’s domestic politics and U.S.-Iran relations. China will not allow U.S. to take military actions against and Iran will not give up China as a reliable great power. Over the short term, China and Iran relations will prosper on substantive issues, while political issues will lose its importance.

While few would deny America is the most powerful nation on earth, there is considerable debate, and controversy, over how America uses its foreign policy power. This is even truer since the “unipolar moment,” when America gained sole superpower status with the end of the Soviet Union and the Cold War. In the Cold War Reinhold Niebuhr was the main theological voice speaking to American power. In the Unipolar world, the Religious right emerged as the main theological voice, but instead of seeking to curb American power the Religious right embraced Neoconservatism in what I will call “Totemic Conservatism” to support use of America's power in the world and to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy, which is the notion that America is a chosen nation, and this legitimizes its use of power and underpins its moral claims. I critique the Niebuhrian and Religious right legacies, and offer a classical realist strategy for theology to speak to America power and foreign policy, which avoids the neoconservative and religious conservative error of totemism, while avoiding the jettisoning of Niebuhr's theology by political liberals, and, the political ghettoizing of theology by his chief critics. This strategy is based on embracing the understanding of classical realism, but not taking the next step, which both Niebuhr and neoconservativism ultimately do, of moving from a prescriptive to a predictive strategy for American foreign policy. In this thesis, I argue that in the wake of the unipolar moment the embrace of the Religious right of Neoconservatism to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy is a problematic commingling of faith and politics, and what is needed instead is a strategy of speaking to power rooted in classical realism but one which refines Niebuhrian realism to avoid the risk of progressing a Constantinian theology.

In dieser Dissertation wird die historische Genese einer Entwicklung untersucht, die zum Entstehen eines „evangelikalen Ethos“ in Teilen der US-Streitkräfte und weiteren Bereichen des National Security State geführt hat. Den Ausgangspunkt dieser Arbeit bilden Daten zur religiösen Zusammensetzung der amerikanischen Streitkräfte aus dem Jahr 2009. Sie verweisen auf einen überproportional hohen Anteil evangelikaler Protestanten in den amerikanischen Streitkräften. Der Untersuchungszeitraum reicht vom Aufbau des National Security State im Zweiten Weltkrieg bis zum Ende des Vietnamkrieges. Die Annäherung evangelikaler Protestanten an den nationalen Sicherheitsstaat fand bereits im Zweiten Weltkrieg statt. Vor allem im Kontext des Kalten Krieges setzte zudem die Erkenntnis einer ideologischen und kulturellen Nähe zwischen beiden Sphären ein, während die neoevangelikale Erweckungsbewegung zu neuer Blüte gelangte und eine religiöse Mobilisierung der Vereinigten Staaten im frühen Kalten Krieg stattfand. Die Arbeit beruht u.a. auf teil unveröffentlichten Archivbeständen des Billy Graham Center und des Wheaton College. Methodisch ist die Untersuchung der von Philip Sarasin geprägten Wissensgeschichte verpflichtet. Damit kann eine Vielfalt von Wissensbeständen analytisch gegriffen und ihre Bedeutung für politisches und militärisches Handeln entsprechend gefasst werden. Die Arbeit endet mit einem Ausblick auf die Gegenwart: Das missionarische Sendungsbewusstsein evangelikaler Gläubiger führt zu Konflikten innerhalb der Streitkräfte. Auch im Rahmen der Auslandseinsätze der amerikanischen Streitkräfte ereignen sich bedenkliche Vorfälle, in denen etwa das Verbot der Missionierung durch Militärangehörige missachtet wird. / This dissertation examines the historical genesis of a development that lead to an „Evangelical ethos“ within the U.S. Arnmed Forces and other institutions of the National Security State. The starting point for this dissertation are empirical data from 2009 about the religious composition of the U.S. military. This data refers to a disproportional quota of Evangelical Protestants in the military. The period investigated reaches from the creation of the National Security State during World War 2 until the end of the war in Vietnam. The convergence of Evangelical Protestants and the National Security State began with World War 2. Furthermore, in the context of the Cold War a sense of shared ideological and cultural values developed, while the Neoevangelical revival movement blossomed and a religious mobilization of the United States during the early Cold War took place. This work is based on partly unpublished material from the Billy Graham Center and Wheaton College archives, among others. Methodically, it is committed to Philipp Sarasins approach of a history of knowledge. In this way, a variety of stocks of knowledge can be grasped analytically and their significance for political and military action can be grasped accordingly. This dissertation ends with an outlook on the present times: the evangelical zeal of the believers in uniform leads to conflicts within the military. Furthermore, during assigments abroad highly problematic incidents take place, e.g. the disregard of the prohibition of proselytizing by members of the military.