Metz au Moyen Âge est une cité qui a progressivement su s’affranchir de la tutelle impériale. L’âge d’or de la ville correspond à cette conquête de l’autonomie urbaine. Dès le XIIIe siècle, la République messine est instituée et s’organise comme un véritable État, riche et puissant. La ville attise alors la convoitise de ses voisins et doit se protéger. Devenues trop étroites, les anciennes fortifications sont remplacées par une nouvelle enceinte de plus de cinq kilomètres de long. Elle est édifiée entre le XIIIe et le XIVe siècle. Une administration dévolue à la construction et à l’entretien des remparts est alors mise en place. Rédigés sur des parchemins jusqu’au XVIe siècle, les « comptes des Gouverneurs des Murs » de la ville de Metz témoignent de la nature, du coût et du déroulement des différents travaux effectués sur l’enceinte. Ce travail de thèse se propose d’analyser cette comptabilité en mettant en évidence la complexité de cette administration. Il sera question d’étudier la provenance et l’utilisation des fonds et de démontrer le rôle prépondérant joué par les hommes de la ville. Tous ont contribué à l’édifice, qu’ils soient ouvriers, artisans, corvéables ou seigneurs. L’étude de la nature et de l’utilisation des matériaux ne sera pas en reste et mettra en évidence l’évolution des techniques de fortifications et d’armement. La retranscription et l’analyse de ces comptes, jusqu’ici relativement négligés par la recherche historique, ainsi que l’étude des chroniques de l’époque permettra de compléter notre connaissance de l’enceinte messine / Metz in the Middle Ages is a city that gradually managed to free itself from imperial tutelage. The Golden Age of the city corresponds to this conquest of urban autonomy. As early as the thirteenth century, a republic was established and organized as a real, rich and powerful state. The city then fuels the lust of its neighbors and must protect itself. The old fortifications, too narrow, were replaced by a new enclosure more than five kilometers long. It is built between the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. An administration devoted to the construction and maintenance of the ramparts is then put in place. Written on parchment until the sixteenth century, the « counts of the Governors of the Walls » of the city of Metz testify to the nature, the cost and the progress of the various works carried out on the enclosure. This thesis proposes to analyze this accounting by highlighting the complexity of this administration. It will be a question of studying the provenance and use of the funds and of demonstrating the preponderant role played by the men of the city. All contributed to the edifice, whether they were workers, craftsmen, corvees or lords. The study of the nature and use of materials will not be left out and will show the evolution of the techniques of fortifications and armaments. The transcription and analysis of these accounts, so far relatively neglected by historical research and the study of the chronicles of the time, will complement our knowledge of the Metz enclosure

O presente estudo analisa a reforma administrativa elaborada e proposta pelo governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) em seu primeiro mandato (1995-1998). Para tanto, o trabalho analisou, especialmente, os argumentos da literatura a respeito da participação dos governadores estaduais no processo da reforma. A pesquisa se baseou principalmente em dados coletados sobre a votação nominal da reforma administrativa do governo FHC na Câmara de Deputados em 1997 e em informações coletadas a respeito do apoio dos governadores estaduais à reforma. A conclusão do estudo é de que, de um lado, o apoio ativo dos governadores estaduais à reforma não pode ser explicado apenas pela situação fiscal e financeira dos estados e, de outro lado, que a participação efetiva dos governadores estaduais na votação somente pode ser entendida através da mediação dos partidos políticos. / The present study analyze the administrative reform elaborated and proposed by the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), during his first term (1995-1998). In this way, it presents a review of the literature arguments, especially, about the state governors influence in the reform outcomes. The resarch was based on data about nominal voting at the House of Representantives in 1997 and on collected information about state governors support to this reform. The conclusion of the study is, in one hand, that active state governors support can\'t be explicated only by fiscal and financial situation of the states and, on the other hand, that efective participation of state governors on voting only can be understood through the mediation of political parties.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:25:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1688.pdf: 1033375 bytes, checksum: 5dc2aea366faec682c517ad73b8bd154 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-18 / This master thesis analyses the interplay of political powers in Brazilian Legislative chambers, during Lula s government. It considers the point of view of the parties and the interests present on budget and fiscal disputes between Federal Executive power and State Executive powers. It is considered that, as a representative and supervisory institute, the Legislative chambers offer the possibility of politic interactions between Executive power, governors and parties. The analysis follows eight budget initiatives, being four of Crédito Extraordinário (Extraordinary Credit) and four of Auxílio Financeiro (Financial Aid), made through Medidas Provisórias (Provisory Measures) by the Executive power in benefit of States, towns and cities, after some partial constitutional modifications, known as the Amendment n° 32, were implemented. After the identification of the gaps existing both in studies that stress the centralization of legislative works and studies that emphasize the individual and regional members of parliament s behavior, this study stresses the need for initiatives of the Executive power that consider the tributary increase of other government instances. It is argued that the Executive can, strategically, co-ordinate his initiatives with the other government instances in an interactive way, to strengthen the Federal Government and to promote modifications in the current model of fiscal exaction. The analysis of the data shows that the Executive power, in spite of assuming the need for a reformulation of the fiscal model, avoids the influence of the Legislative power, particularly that of the Senate, driving bigger resources for Crédito Extraordinário, in detriment of Auxílio Financeiro. It concludes that the difficulties found by the Executive power to approve a new model of fiscal exaction in the Legislative chambers can be associated with little influence of the government party (PT) on state governments. / Este estudo analisa o jogo de forças políticas no poder Legislativo do Brasil, durante o governo Lula. Analisa, especificamente, questões de ordem partidária e os interesses presentes nas disputas orçamentárias e fiscais entre o poder Executivo Federal e o poder Executivo Estadual (governadores). Considera-se que, como instituição representativa e fiscalizadora, o Legislativo oferece a possibilidade de interação política entre Executivo, governadores e partidos. São utilizadas para análise oito iniciativas orçamentárias, sendo quatro de Créditos Extraordinários e quatro de Auxílio Financeiro, feitas pelo Executivo através de Medidas Provisórias em benefício de Estados e Municípios, no Governo Lula, após as modificações constitucionais parciais ocorridas com a Emenda n° 32, de 2001. Após a identificação das lacunas existentes nos estudos que enfatizam a centralização dos trabalhos legislativos e nos estudos que ressaltam o comportamento individual e regional dos parlamentares, destaca-se a necessidade de iniciativas do Executivo que levam em consideração o crescimento tributário das demais esferas de governo. Argumenta-se que o Executivo pode, estrategicamente, coordenar suas iniciativas com as demais esferas de forma interativa para fortalecer o Governo Federal e promover modificações no atual modelo de arrecadação fiscal. A análise dos dados demonstra que o Executivo, apesar de assumir a necessidade de reformulação do modelo fiscal, está evitando a clivagem do Legislativo, particularmente a do Senado, destinando maiores recursos ao Crédito Extraordinário, em detrimento do Auxílio Financeiro. Conclui-se que a dificuldade encontrada pelo Executivo na aprovação de um novo modelo de arrecadação fiscal pode estar associada à pouca influência do PT nas esferas estaduais.

Le gouverneur japonais (chiji) est l’exécutif en chef du département, la plus grande division administrative au Japon. Conçue pendant l'ère Meiji comme l'un des principaux outils du contrôle central sur le Japon local, cette fonction a été radicalement modifiée après l'introduction de l'élection au suffrage universel direct comme nouveau mode de désignation par les forces d’Occupation dans la période de l'après-guerre. A la connexion entre le niveau national et local, et légitimé par le suffrage populaire, le gouverneur est doté de larges pouvoirs dans le système de gouvernement local japonais. Ces conditions ont permis de renforcer le leadership politique d’un gouverneur muni d'une forte autorité sur le département, tout en étant en contact direct avec le gouvernement central, en tant qu’exécutif en chef de la plus haute division locale du Japon. De nombreuses caractéristiques de la fonction (le succès électoral des bureaucrates et la relation particulière avec les partis politiques notamment) sont toutefois les résultats d’un phénomène de « dépendance au sentier » (path-dependence), peu à peu remodelées sous l’effet des frictions produites par les réformes décentralisatrices de la période de l'Occupation dans un cadre encore largement centralisateur.Sur la base de travaux de recherche à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs, cette étude analyse la transformation de la fonction de gouverneur au cours de l'après-guerre d'une position bureaucratique à une charge politique, ses évolutions et les conséquences de celles-ci sur la politique japonaise au niveau local et national. / The Japanese governor (chiji) is the executive head of the prefecture, the largest administrative division in Japan. Conceived during the Meiji as one of the main tools of the central control on local Japan, this position was been radically modified after the introduction of direct election by the Allied Occupation authority in the post-war period. At the connection between the national and local level, and legitimized by public election, the governor is endowed with substantial powers in the Japanese local government system. These conditions have strengthened the capacity of local leadership of the governor provided with a strong authority over the prefecture. Numerous characteristics of the position, the success of bureaucrats and the particular relation with political parties notably, are however path-dependent elements, gradually reshaped by the frictions produced by the reforms of the Occupation period. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research works, this study analyses the transformation of the post-war governorship from a bureaucratic position to a political office, its evolution and its consequences on Japanese politics at both local and national level.

Magister Commercii - MCom / In South Africa today those who lead sport are facing increasing scrutiny which has inevitably resulted in questioning governance practices. The transition of many sports from predominantly volunteer administered organizations anchored in an amateur ethos, to professionally managed entities catering to a more sophisticated market place has created unique challenges for the governance of sport sponsorship. This evolution gives rise to possible conceptual linkage between sport sponsorship and corporate governance or none thereof. This study focuses on the ABSA-Premier Soccer League (PSL) sponsorship transaction as a case study to explore this linkage. The research is aimed at finding the nexus between sport sponsorship and corporate governance principles, namely accountability and transparency in the conclusion of this transaction. The research consists of four phases; literature review which provides a detailed analysis of all primary and secondary material available on this topic. The second phase is a qualitative case study research methodology which comprises of in-depth interviews with targeted stakeholders. The third part presents the research findings and discussion section, and lastly the way forward through reflections and recommendations including highlighting potential future research areas. This work is timely when there has been generally a heightened evolution in sport sponsorship and its focus was to explore the nexus and compliance to the founding principles of the organizations (laws of governance). Factually, good corporate governance aims at ensuring a higher degree of transparency in an organization by encouraging full disclosure of transactions in the company accounts as well as accountability. Academics have been exploring the notion of sports sponsorship and corporate governance with much of the debates grounded on understanding its commercial value. The focus for this study is on the conceptual nexus or non-thereof, between sponsorship and corporate governance. Information was collected through in-depth and experience interviews, documented reviews and analysis (such as the review and analysis of the constitution of the South Africa football Association, PSL, financial/banking sector policy regulations, South African Sports Act, corporate governance reports, annual reports, scholarly journals, academic books, conference papers and Parliamentary Monitoring Group documents etc. to mention but a few. / South Africa

One facet of the problem of state rights within the Confederacy is revealed through a study of the relations between President Davis and the war governors. As a means of investigating those relationships this study considers their attempts to solve several major problems. This work seeks to discover the degree of co-operation which existed between the President and governors and to establish what effect this co-operation or lack of it had on the failure of the states to support many important central government policies. It also seeks to determine what influence those relationships had on the outcome of the war.

Beauford Halbert Jester, thirty-sixth governor of Texas, had served nearly six months of his second term when he died on July 11, 1949. He tends to be remembered as the only Texas governor to die in office, but his accomplishments deserve greater recognition. Elected as the Establishment candidate in a bitter campaign against a liberal opponent, Jester had a surprisingly progressive administration. During his tenure the state generally expanded its services, began a prison reform program, reorganized the public school system, began an ambitious farm-to-market road program, attempted a new approach to juvenile delinquency, expanded educational opportunities for blacks, created a legislative redistricting board, and established a building fund for state-supported colleges and universities.

The office of a state lieutenant governor often fails to evoke images of power, influence, or prestige. However, in Texas the office is regarded by many as the most powerful political office in the state. The Texas lieutenant governor derives his power from several sources, including the Texas Constitution, Senate rules, statutes, and the personality of the officeholder. This work explores the role of the Texas lieutenant governor in the pre-modern period with an examination of the office’s legalistic and pre-statehood roots. Aspects explored include the backgrounds of the men who became lieutenant governor, the power the officeholders exerted during their time in office, and whether or not the office became a platform for future political success. The men who served as lieutenant governor during the first century of statehood for Texas did not have the power enjoyed by their more recent contemporaries. However, some of them laid a foundation for the future by exploiting political opportunities and amending legislative practices. As Texas grew into a modern and urban state, the power and influence of the office of lieutenant governor also grew.

This paper explores factors related to self-assessed risk tolerance, focusing on its relationship to wealth, financial literacy, financial well-being relative to parents’ financial well-being at the respective age, and financial well-being relative to one’s historical self. Additional predictors included age and education. The analyses were conducted using data from the Federal Reserve Board’s 2019 Survey of Household Economics and Decision-making (SHED). The measure of financial literacy was constructed from several survey items assessing knowledge of investing and interest rates. A multinomial logistic regression model confirmed that all of the abovementioned variables are indeed significant contributors to the prediction of self-assessed risk tolerance. Wealth is positively related to self-assessed risk tolerance, as predicted by Bernoullian utility theory. Age exhibits a non-linear relationship with risk tolerance. Both financial well-being relative to parents’ financial well-being at the same age and financial well-being relative to one’s historical self exhibit a positive relationship with risk tolerance. Lastly, those with higher financial literacy scores tend to have higher risk tolerance, as did those with more education. Some implications of the findings are discussed.

Luke Pryor Blackburn, Kentucky’s only physician governor, is one of the forgotten public health figures of the 19th century. As health officer of Natchez in the 1850s he instituted the first effective quarantine used in the Mississippi Valley and became a strong advocate of its use as a preventive measure in the control of yellow fever. During his lifetime Blackburn also became well known for his unselfish aid to communities stricken with the disease. In March 1878 announced his candidacy for governor of his native state. Local politicians scoffed at his chances for election, but his actions during the 1878 fever epidemic assured his nomination. Despite scandal the philanthropist was elected by a large majority. As the Commonwealth’s first citizen Blackburn led a crusade that achieved major prison reforms. To do so, however, he was forced to harass and uncooperative legislature and buck the state’s professional politicians, who had expected the physician to be a puppet governor. Thus, the state’s “good Samaritan” governor became one of the most unpopular men ever to serve the Commonwealth.