Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:49:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Olivia Maria Bullio Mattos.pdf: 922804 bytes, checksum: 3e7bae29d19a9a942f72caf436c16254 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In mid-2007, the world faced one of the biggest crisis capitalism ever experienced, called the subprime crisis, which originated in the US housing market. The Federal Reserve (Fed) had to act promptly, trying to rescue the markets. However, the Federal Reserve, which had always been pragmatic, found itself in great distress when the traditional tools of monetary policy were not enough to stop the liquidity crisis. The Fed had to act aggressively both as a lender of last resort and expanding the monetary base to halt the risk of a widespread "default" in the inter-bank market. Using changes in the size and composition of the Fed's Balance Sheet From July of 2007 to September of 2009, this dissertation analyses the actions taken and new tools created to fight the crisis. Initially, the dissertation presents the prevailing thesis up to the subprime crisis, which were the financial deregulation and the monetary authority's goal of price stability. The dissertation then discusses the Post- Keynesians and Minsky's take of the capitalistic economy, a more adequate view to understand the crisis and the preceding financial processes. In conclusion, the lessons learned from the subprime crisis are that we should rethink how we regulate financial institutions and products created by such institutions in pursue of profit; we should also rethink the way we do monetary policy and its objectives / Em meados de 2007, o mundo se viu a frente de uma das maiores crises financeiras já vividas pelo capitalismo, a chamada crise subprime, que teve sua origem no mercado imobiliário norte-americano. Foi necessário que o Federal Reserve (Fed) agisse e tentasse resgatar o mercado. No entanto, o Banco Central americano, que sempre foi pragmático, se viu em dificuldades quando os instrumentos tradicionais de política monetária não mais conseguiram conter a crise de iliquidez. Foi preciso então atuar agressivamente como emprestador de última instância e expandir a base monetária para conter os riscos de inadimplência generalizada no mercado interbancário. Através da análise das mudanças na composição e tamanho do Balance Sheet do Fed de julho de 2007 a setembro de 2009, esta dissertação analisa as ações e novos instrumentos criados para conter a crise. Inicialmente apresenta-se as teses dominantes até então, que eram de desregulamentação do mercado financeiro e de mandato de estabilidade de preços para a autoridade monetária. Em seguida, discute-se o entendimento de Minsky e dos pós-keynesianos da economia capitalista, uma visão mais adequada para compreender a crise e os processos financeiros precedentes. Conclui-se que as lições tiradas da crise mostram que deve-se repensar o formato de regulação das instituições financeiras e dos produtos criados por elas para busca de lucros; deve-se rever a maneira como é feita a política monetária e seus objetivos

Na América Portuguesa, a partir da segunda metade do século XVIII, foi marcante o esforço da política metropolitana por maior centralização administrativa a fim de manter, expandir e desenvolver os domínios coloniais. As medidas adotadas a partir do reinado de d. José I e do ministério do marquês de Pombal não cessaram com a ascensão de d. Maria I, em 1777, nem com a regência do príncipe d. João VI, a partir de 1792. Pode-se dizer que com os secretários de Estado sucessores, Martinho de Mello e Castro e d. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, ocorreu, no plano colonial, certa aceleração do processo iniciado por Sebastião José de Carvalho e Mello. Caso exemplar das diretrizes adotadas no período foi a restauração de São Paulo enquanto capitania-geral, em 1765, visando não só as necessidades de conquista territorial e defesa das fronteiras mas, igualmente, o estímulo e desenvolvimento econômico da capitania. Na tarefa de incrementar a agricultura exportadora, a Coroa portuguesa dependeu da elite colonial paulista, possuidora de riqueza anteriormente acumulada. O trabalho ora apresentado visa estudar a relação entre essa elite colonial e os diferentes governadores e capitãesgenerais da capitania de São Paulo, enquanto agentes das decisões e do poder régio, durante o período de formação e consolidação da produção agrícola paulista voltada para o mercado externo. / In the Portuguese America, as of the second half of the 18th century, it was remarkable the effort made by the metropolitan police for a greater administrative centralization with the purpose to maintain, expand and develop the colonial domains. The measures adopted since the reign of d. José I and the ministry of Marquês de Pombal did not cease with the ascension of d. Maria I, in 1777, nor with the reigning of prince d. João VI, as of 1792. It may be said that with the succeeding Secretaries of State, Martinho de Mello e Castro and d. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, there was, in the colonial plan, a certain acceleration of the process initiated by Sebastião José de Carvalho e Mello. An exceptional case of the directives adopted during such period was the restoration of São Paulo as a general captaincy, in 1765, aiming not only at the territorial conquest needs and frontier defense, but also the economical incentive and development of the captaincy. In order to develop the export agriculture, the Portuguese Crown depended on the colonial elite of São Paulo, possessor of a previously accumulated wealth. The purpose of this paper is to study the relation between the colonial elite and the different governors and general captains of the captaincies of São Paulo, as agents for the decisions and royal power, during the formation and consolidation of the agricultural production of São Paulo towards the foreign market.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:16:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariza Freire.pdf: 2982236 bytes, checksum: aad69d83271a1346916261362ac70910 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-17 / This paper analyzed the political aspects in the discourse of governors of the State of Paraná (1910-2010) when speaking on the implementation of social policies to combat the crime allegedly committed by children and adolescents. The documentary and bibliographic research enabled us to understand the economic and political context of the period between 1910 and 2010 in the State of Paraná and analyze the relationship among education, employment and public safety in that period. As a result one can see that the terminology used responded, in a way, to the national scenario. The term "minor", from the first decades of the twentieth century, has become a term that was used in the laws and documents in literature, as well as spread the messages and speeches of politicians. The early twentieth , when it began to think a poor childhood in Brazil until now, the terminology has changed , as follows: "minor orphans ", "helpless child", "vicious minor", "childhood in moral danger" , " bummers " " juvenile delinquents" , " helpless minor " , "abandoned children" , "minor bummers" , libertines" , "abandoned minors" , "perverse minor", "disadvantaged youth" , "children in need", "juvenile offender" , "disabled" , "student" , "teenager" , "teenager in Conflict with the Law / Este trabalho analisou os aspectos políticos do discurso dos governadores do Estado do Paraná (1910-2010), ao se pronunciarem sobre a implementação de Políticas Sociais para o enfrentamento da delinquência supostamente cometida por crianças e adolescentes. A pesquisa documental e bibliográfica possibilitou compreender o contexto econômico e político do período de 1910 a 2010 no Estado do Paraná e analisar a relação entre educação, trabalho e segurança pública no referido período. Como resultado, pode-se constatar que as terminologias utilizadas responderam, de certo modo, ao cenário nacional. O termo menor , a partir das primeiras décadas do século XX tornou-se um termo que era usado nos documentos de leis e na literatura, bem como se propagou nos discursos e mensagens dos políticos. Do início do XX, quando se começou a pensar a infância pobre no Brasil, até hoje, a terminologia mudou, sendo elas: menores órfãos , infância desvalida , menores viciosos , infância em perigo moral , vadios , menores delinquentes , menores desvalidos , menores abandonados , menores vadios , libertinos , menores perversos , infância abandonada , juventude desfavorecida , menor carente , menor infrator , deficientes , educando , Adolescente , Adolescente em Conflito com a Lei

<p>The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work.</p><p>A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics.</p><p>At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis.</p><p>The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs.</p><p>A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.</p>

<p>This thesis deals with the space for action available to women of the regional elite. The interaction of such categories as gender and class are discussed. The overall purpose is to describe and analyze the role of the county governor’s wife during the period 1900- 1940. The study takes its point of departure in the lives of Ellen Widén and Hanna Rydh, both wives of county governors, and especially treats the area of cultural heritage as the potential public arena for women. Special attention is focused on the cultural heritage as a possible public sphere of activity for women at that time. Cultural heritage has been defined as the cultural and material expressions that were regarded as possessing symbolic value and that have therefore been the focus for various kinds of preservation. Cultural heritage is associated here with a growing field for professional interest and work.</p><p>Women in general were given specific tasks within the nation. One of these was to safeguard aesthetic and cultural characteristics within the nation, the province and the home region. By working within the sphere of cultural heritage, with arts and crafts and with the preservation of the home region, women were regarded as links between the older and younger generations. The specific characteristics of the home region could be expressed through various textiles. The work of creating specific parish costumes can be seen as one of many examples of a female cultural heritage.</p><p>The study has shown that the wives of county governors could have a direct and immediate influence on activities in the area of cultural heritage. This research has established that these women formed a more independent power factor than earlier research has maintained. The county governor’s wife did not automatically gain a position of power. She had potential power, an opportunity derived from both class and gender. To transform this potential into power and influence demanded success and skill in the field.</p><p>When Hanna Rydh, the wife of a county governor, declared herself a candidate for the position of county governor in 1938, it was too much of a challenge to the prevailing gender order. Through a form of ”tyranny of difference” women were prevented from establishing themselves within public spheres that were more masculine by tradition. This could be true of specific fields or of the formal power exercised by the parliament, the government and public offices. If the female elite challenged the men of their own class, their opportunities were circumscribed. I have chosen therefore to speak of both power and “non-power.” Within certain contexts there were good opportunities for the regional female elite to obtain their own space for action. Yet, in other situations the limitations were greater than the opportunities; “non-power” also existed. </p>

The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work. A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics. At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis. The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs. A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.

This thesis deals with the space for action available to women of the regional elite. The interaction of such categories as gender and class are discussed. The overall purpose is to describe and analyze the role of the county governor’s wife during the period 1900- 1940. The study takes its point of departure in the lives of Ellen Widén and Hanna Rydh, both wives of county governors, and especially treats the area of cultural heritage as the potential public arena for women. Special attention is focused on the cultural heritage as a possible public sphere of activity for women at that time. Cultural heritage has been defined as the cultural and material expressions that were regarded as possessing symbolic value and that have therefore been the focus for various kinds of preservation. Cultural heritage is associated here with a growing field for professional interest and work. Women in general were given specific tasks within the nation. One of these was to safeguard aesthetic and cultural characteristics within the nation, the province and the home region. By working within the sphere of cultural heritage, with arts and crafts and with the preservation of the home region, women were regarded as links between the older and younger generations. The specific characteristics of the home region could be expressed through various textiles. The work of creating specific parish costumes can be seen as one of many examples of a female cultural heritage. The study has shown that the wives of county governors could have a direct and immediate influence on activities in the area of cultural heritage. This research has established that these women formed a more independent power factor than earlier research has maintained. The county governor’s wife did not automatically gain a position of power. She had potential power, an opportunity derived from both class and gender. To transform this potential into power and influence demanded success and skill in the field. When Hanna Rydh, the wife of a county governor, declared herself a candidate for the position of county governor in 1938, it was too much of a challenge to the prevailing gender order. Through a form of ”tyranny of difference” women were prevented from establishing themselves within public spheres that were more masculine by tradition. This could be true of specific fields or of the formal power exercised by the parliament, the government and public offices. If the female elite challenged the men of their own class, their opportunities were circumscribed. I have chosen therefore to speak of both power and “non-power.” Within certain contexts there were good opportunities for the regional female elite to obtain their own space for action. Yet, in other situations the limitations were greater than the opportunities; “non-power” also existed.

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Teigiama visuomenės nuomonė apie instituciją prasideda nuo sėkmingos jos veiklos. Visuomenės nuomonei formuoti naudojama ryšių su visuomene veikla. Tačiau valstybinių institucijų ryšių su visuomene tikslai skiriasi nuo privačių institucijų. Kadangi valstybinės institucijos negamina parduodamo produkto, jų ryšių su visuomene pagrindinis tikslas – kad visuomenė teisingai suprastų institucijos misiją ir naudojamas priemones tikslams pasiekti. Valdžios institucijų ryšių su visuomene specialistai turi viešai pateikti kuo daugiau reikalingos informacijos, kuri įgalintų visuomenę teisingai įvertinti priimamus sprendimus. Valstybinių institucijų ryšių su visuomene veikla yra mažai tyrinėta, todėl jos procesų, pritaikymo specifinėms šių įstaigų reikmėms galimybių ir trūkumų analizė yra labai aktuali. Ryšių su visuomene sfera plačiausiai išplėtota centrinėse vykdomosios valdžios institucijose bei savivaldos institucijose. Teritorinėse vykdomosios valdžios institucijose ryšių su visuomene padaliniai įsteigti visai neseniai. Šiuo darbu siekta išnagrinėti teritorinių vykdomosios valdžios institucijų – apskričių viršininkų administracijų (Vilniaus, Kauno, Šiaulių, Klaipėdos, Panevėžio, Marijampolės, Utenos, Tauragės, Telšių bei Alytaus) išorinės komunikacijos strategijos kūrimo bruožus. Analizuojama apskričių viršininkų administracijų atstovų spaudai naudojamos išorinės komunikacijos priemonės bei kanalai, ir jų efektyvumas, siekiant institucijos strateginių tikslų, atsižvelgiant į... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The positive opinion of the society about institution begins from the successful institution work. To form the opinion of society, it is used public relations. But the purposes of public institutions differ from the purposes of private ones. Since the public institutions do not make products for sale, their main public relations purpose is to define their mission and useable implements to reach the aims. The public relations specialists of authorities have to officially render as much needed information as possible, in order that society could fairly measure the decisions made by public institutions. Public relations of public institutions are not explored very much, that‘s way this is very relevant. The sphere of public relations is streamed the most in the self-government and central Executive Branch institutions. The packs of public relations in the territorial Executive Branch institutions are established newly. The aim of this work is to research the creation traits of external communication strategy in the territorial Executive Branch institutions – County Governors administrations (of Vilnius, Kaunas, Šiauliai, Klaipėda, Panevėžys, Marijampolė, Utena, Tauragė, Telšiai and Alytus). In these papers, it was analyzed external communications implements and channels (and their efficiency) used by spokespersons of County Governors administrations. The analyses were made from the territorial Executive Branch institutions with society aspect. In these papers, there are... [to full text]