Com a Revolução Cubana a Guerra Fria se torna mais presente no continente americano. O governo dos Estados Unidos da América começa a desenvolver ações para combater o governo revolucionário que assume o poder naquele país. Essas ações são baseadas no emprego da força militar e em soluções diplomáticas. Nesse mesmo período, João Goulart se torna presidente do Brasil. Ele continua a Política Externa Independente do governo Jânio Quadros. E o governo brasileiro acaba se envolvendo na questão de Cuba. Esta tese procura investigar a participação do governo de João Goulart na Crise dos Mísseis (1962) e compreender o que esse episódio representa para a Política Externa Independente. Nossos objetivos são demonstrar como o Brasil percebe a evolução da questão de Cuba; perceber como o país se posicionou na Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e quais foram as repercussões decorrentes; procurar entender qual a razão do envio do general Albino Silva à Cuba; compreender a posição brasileira na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) através do projeto de desnuclearização da América Latina; verificar como a sociedade brasileira se manifestou a respeito desse episódio; e, por fim, analisar se a Crise dos Mísseis modifica as relações entre os governos de Goulart e Kennedy. / With the Cuban Revolution to Cold War becomes more present in the Americas. The government of the United States of America begins to develop actions to combat the revolutionary government that assumes power in that country. These actions are based on the use of military force and diplomatic solutions. In the same period, becomes president of Brazil João Goulart. He continues the Política Externa Independente of Quadros government. And the brazilian government gets involved in the issue of Cuba. This thesis investigates the involvement of the government of João Goulart in Missile Crisis (1962) and understand what this episode is for the Política Externa Independente. Our objectives are to demonstrate how Brazil sees the evolution of the issue of Cuba; see how the country stood at the Organization of American States (OAS) and what were this repercussions; seek to understand the reason of sending general Albino Silva the Cuba; understand the brazilian position at the United Nations (UN) through the project of denuclearization of Latin America; check how brazilian society manifested related to this episode; finally, analyze the Missile Crisis produced some effect in relations between the governments of Goulart and John Kennedy; analyze if the Missile Crisis modifies the relations between the government of Goulart and Kennedy.

La sexualité est arrivée au statut d’objet scientifique à la suite des découvertes psychanalytiques. L’élargissement du sexuel avec Freud par la théorie de la libido a permis une investigation beaucoup plus large et complète de la sexualité, la faisant apparaître comme un phénomène de totalité. Les sciences sociales n’ont pourtant pas nécessairement intégré cet élargissement dans leurs théorisations sur la sexualité livrant une définition de celle-ci selon leurs paradigmes et cadres interprétatifs disciplinaires. De même, la politisation de la sexualité a dans un premier temps interpréter la question de la libido freudienne dans une utopie critique, celle de la libération sexuelle de Mai 68. Dans un second temps, elle a idéologisé et partialisé la question sexuelle en orientant les débats sur les questions des minorités sexuelles. La démarche critique adoptée dans cette thèse permet de montrer en quoi la sexualité en tant qu’objet est l’analyseur des sexualités concrètes. La sexualité est une force originaire au fondement de la subjectivité, de l’intersubjectivité et des formations sociales. Elle ne peut donc être conceptualisée de façon réductrice. Cette complexité est nécessairement polémique car elle comprend des enjeux épistémologiques, politiques, mais aussi éthiques, praxéologiques et métaphysiques. / Sexuality become a scientific object following psychoanalysic discoveries. The extension of sexuality by Freud with the libido theory allow more complete and broader investigation of sexuality, showing it as a phenomenon of totality. Social sciences however did not insert this enlargement into their theorizings on the sexuality delivering a definition of this one according to their paradigms and disciplinary interpretative frames. Also, the politicization of sexuality has at first interpreted the question of freudian libido in a critical utopia, that of the sexual liberation of Mai 68. In second time, it has ideologised ans partialised the sexual question by orientating the debate on the sexual minorites questions. Critical step adopted in this thesis allows to show that sexuality as object is the analyser of concrete sexualities. Sexuality is a native force in the foundation of subjectivity, intersubjectivity and social trainings. Sexuality can’t be conceptualised in a reductionnist way. This complicacy is necessarily polemical because it consists in epistemological and political stakes, but also in ethical, praxeological and metaphysical stakes.

Pourquoi créer un État palestinien ? Avant tout parce qu’il s’agit de l’unique solution qui détient un fondement juridique, à travers la résolution 181 des Nations-Unies votée en 1947. Cette résolution préconisait la création de l’État israélien et celle de l’État palestinien comme deux facettes d’une unique solution. La création d’un État palestinien n’est pas seulement légale au regard du droit, elle permettrait également le partage des responsabilités revenant à chacun des acteurs du conflit. Une telle création est-elle possible en l’état actuel de la situation au Moyen-Orient ? Telle est la problématique de notre étude, qui comprend deux volets, l’un théorique, l’autre pratique. L’objectif est de revoir les règles du droit international relatives aux critères de formation d’un État palestinien, d’examiner si ces règles sont respectées et de déterminer quels sont les obstacles qui compliquent l’application d’une telle création. La première partie qui consiste à s’interroger sur la formation d’un État palestinien nous mène à examiner quatre éléments : la population permanente, le territoire déterminé, le gouvernement effectif et la capacité à entrer en relation avec les autres États. L’étude de ces éléments montre que la Palestine est un embryon d’État. Même si le concept d’un État palestinien peut être envisagé en droit, qu’en est-il de sa viabilité ? La deuxième partie de notre étude porte sur les obstacles juridiques à la création d’un État palestinien. Quatre éléments qui sont l’occupation, l’édification d’un mur entre Israël et les territoires palestiniens, les colonies de peuplement israéliennes en territoire palestinien occupé incluant la question de Jérusalem et enfin le droit au retour des réfugiés sont étudiés. Il ressort de cette recherche qu’un État palestinien pourrait être créé en droit mais sa viabilité reste conditionnée au bon vouloir d’Israël sur les questions évoquées ci-dessus. Aujourd’hui, les dimensions du conflit rendent particulièrement complexe une entente entre les deux parties. Le cadre juridique international représenté par l’ONU ne peut s’appliquer au conflit israélo-palestinien que s’il bénéficie de l’appui diplomatique clair et sincère de l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux. / Why creating a Palestinian State? Because it is the unique solution which has a legal background according to the 181 resolution of the United Nations Organization voted in 1947. This resolution recommended the creation of the State of Israel and the Palestinian one as two sides of an unique solution. The creation of a Palestinian State is not only legal, it would also allow the share of responsibilities between the protagonists of the conflict. Is this creation possible considering the current situation in the Middle-East? This is the problematic of the study which consists of two parts, the first one being theoretical and the second one looking at practical issues. The purpose is to review the rules of international law related to the criteria required for the creation of a Palestinian State and to examine if these rules are respected in order to determine which are the obstacles that make this creation difficult to achieve. The first part is analyzing if the four key requirements for the creation of a Palestinian State i.e. the population, the territory, the real government and the international legal capacity are met. The survey of these items shows that Palestine is an embryonic State. Even if the concept of a Palestinian State could be legally considered, could it be viable? The second part of the study deals with the legal obstacles of the creation of a Palestinian State. We are then reviewing four major issues which are the occupation, the building of a wall separating Israel and the Palestinian territories, the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including the specific situation of Jerusalem and finally the right of return of the Palestinian refugees. This study shows that a Palestinian State could be legally created but its viability would be conditioned to the willingness of Israel regarding the questions mentioned above. The various dimensions of the conflict make today an agreement between the two protagonists very difficult to achieve. The international legal scope represented by the United Nations Organization can apply to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict only if it gets a clear and strong support of all the countries.

Pourquoi créer un État palestinien ? Avant tout parce qu’il s’agit de l’unique solution qui détient un fondement juridique, à travers la résolution 181 des Nations-Unies votée en 1947. Cette résolution préconisait la création de l’État israélien et celle de l’État palestinien comme deux facettes d’une unique solution. La création d’un État palestinien n’est pas seulement légale au regard du droit, elle permettrait également le partage des responsabilités revenant à chacun des acteurs du conflit. Une telle création est-elle possible en l’état actuel de la situation au Moyen-Orient ? Telle est la problématique de notre étude, qui comprend deux volets, l’un théorique, l’autre pratique. L’objectif est de revoir les règles du droit international relatives aux critères de formation d’un État palestinien, d’examiner si ces règles sont respectées et de déterminer quels sont les obstacles qui compliquent l’application d’une telle création. La première partie qui consiste à s’interroger sur la formation d’un État palestinien nous mène à examiner quatre éléments : la population permanente, le territoire déterminé, le gouvernement effectif et la capacité à entrer en relation avec les autres États. L’étude de ces éléments montre que la Palestine est un embryon d’État. Même si le concept d’un État palestinien peut être envisagé en droit, qu’en est-il de sa viabilité ? La deuxième partie de notre étude porte sur les obstacles juridiques à la création d’un État palestinien. Quatre éléments qui sont l’occupation, l’édification d’un mur entre Israël et les territoires palestiniens, les colonies de peuplement israéliennes en territoire palestinien occupé incluant la question de Jérusalem et enfin le droit au retour des réfugiés sont étudiés. Il ressort de cette recherche qu’un État palestinien pourrait être créé en droit mais sa viabilité reste conditionnée au bon vouloir d’Israël sur les questions évoquées ci-dessus. Aujourd’hui, les dimensions du conflit rendent particulièrement complexe une entente entre les deux parties. Le cadre juridique international représenté par l’ONU ne peut s’appliquer au conflit israélo-palestinien que s’il bénéficie de l’appui diplomatique clair et sincère de l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux. / Why creating a Palestinian State? Because it is the unique solution which has a legal background according to the 181 resolution of the United Nations Organization voted in 1947. This resolution recommended the creation of the State of Israel and the Palestinian one as two sides of an unique solution. The creation of a Palestinian State is not only legal, it would also allow the share of responsibilities between the protagonists of the conflict. Is this creation possible considering the current situation in the Middle-East? This is the problematic of the study which consists of two parts, the first one being theoretical and the second one looking at practical issues. The purpose is to review the rules of international law related to the criteria required for the creation of a Palestinian State and to examine if these rules are respected in order to determine which are the obstacles that make this creation difficult to achieve. The first part is analyzing if the four key requirements for the creation of a Palestinian State i.e. the population, the territory, the real government and the international legal capacity are met. The survey of these items shows that Palestine is an embryonic State. Even if the concept of a Palestinian State could be legally considered, could it be viable? The second part of the study deals with the legal obstacles of the creation of a Palestinian State. We are then reviewing four major issues which are the occupation, the building of a wall separating Israel and the Palestinian territories, the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including the specific situation of Jerusalem and finally the right of return of the Palestinian refugees. This study shows that a Palestinian State could be legally created but its viability would be conditioned to the willingness of Israel regarding the questions mentioned above. The various dimensions of the conflict make today an agreement between the two protagonists very difficult to achieve. The international legal scope represented by the United Nations Organization can apply to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict only if it gets a clear and strong support of all the countries.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de Leonel Brizola com o movimento político dos setores subalternos nacionalistas das Forças Armadas Brasileiras durante o período em que esteve no governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962) até o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Procura-se identificar as estratégias utilizadas por Brizola visando obter o apoio dos setores subalternos castrenses, em especial do círculo dos sargentos, para suas ações políticas. Essas estratégias, com o objetivo de conquistar apoio para o projeto político reformista-nacionalista desse político sul-rio-grandense e articular uma resistência a um possível golpe de Estado, acirraram uma divisão latente dentro das Forças Armadas Brasileiras entre os grupos nacionalistas e os anti-nacionalistas ou entreguistas. A análise da estruturação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, que apoiou a luta política dos subalternos militares, e a discussão acerca de conceitos importantes, tais como, populismo e nacionalismo, são realizadas pelo trabalho, no sentido de apontar as influências exercidas por essa organização partidária no ideário brizolista e na luta dos subalternos militares. Para além da indicação das estratégias brizolistas utilizadas no sentido de aproximar-se dos militares nacionalistas, pretende-se indicar as disputas internas ocorridas nas Forças Armadas Brasileiras nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e suas articulações com a sociedade civil. / This research aims to analyse the relationships of Leonel Brizola with the subordinate nationalist sectors of the Brazilian Armed Forces, particularly the circle of sergeants, during the period in which government was in the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962), until the coup civil-military from 1964. Seeking to identify the strategies used by Brizola to get the support of the subordinate castrenses sectors, especially the circle of sergeants, for its political actions. These strategies, aimed at obtaining political support for the project reformist-nationalist politician that south riograndense, caused a division within the Armed Forces Brasileiras. The analysis of the structure of the Brazilian Labour Party and discussion about important concepts such as nationalism and populism, are carried out by work, in order to sharpen the ideological influence exercised by that party organization in brizolista ideology. In addition to the indication of the strategies used to brizolistas closer to the subordinate military nationalists, it is intended to indicate the internal disputes which occurred in the Brazilian Armed Forces in the decades of 1950 and 1960 and its joints with civilians and with the policy.

Esta dissertação de Mestrado em História aborda a Política Externa Independente do governo João Goulart (1961-1964). Fundamentada no nacionalismo, essa política externa se constituía em um instrumento de desenvolvimento econômicosocial para o país, além de procurar uma nova inserção internacional para o Brasil naqueles anos intensos da Guerra Fria. Para obtermos uma maior aproximação com o que significou a Política Externa Independente para a época estudada, optamos tratar de um dos seus atos diplomáticos mais polêmicos: o reatamento das relações diplomáticas do Brasil com a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas, realizado em 23 de novembro de 1961. Para tanto, elegemos como fonte privilegiada de nossa pesquisa o jornal Correio do Povo, de Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. A escolha por esse jornal se deu por dois motivos, indissociáveis: sua auto-proclamada imparcialidade e sua tradição. Desse modo, através das notícias e opiniões veiculadas no Correio do Povo, procuramos perceber como se posicionavam os setores políticos em razão do restabelecimento de relações diplomáticas com a URSS, bem como qual a tendência geral que orientava o periódico em questão na época. / This is the thesis of masters degree in history that approaches Política Externa Independente of João Goularts government (1961-1964). Supported by the nationalism, this external politics constituted in an instrument for social and economical development of the country, it was also looking for a new insertion of Brazil internationally in those intense cold war years. To obtain closer proximity to what meant the Política Externa Independente to the period studied, we chose to deal with one of the most polemic diplomatic act: the resumption to diplomatic relations of Brazil with Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, held on 23 November 1961. For that purpose, we elected as a privileged source of our research the newspaper Correio do Povo , from Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. The choice for this journal was for two inseparable reasons: their self-proclaimed impartiality and its tradition. That way, through the news and opinions expressed in Correio do Povo, we try to understand how the political sectors took sides, in reason of the restoration of diplomatic relations with the URSS, as well as which was the general trend that guided the newspaper the time.

Esta dissertação de Mestrado em História aborda a Política Externa Independente do governo João Goulart (1961-1964). Fundamentada no nacionalismo, essa política externa se constituía em um instrumento de desenvolvimento econômicosocial para o país, além de procurar uma nova inserção internacional para o Brasil naqueles anos intensos da Guerra Fria. Para obtermos uma maior aproximação com o que significou a Política Externa Independente para a época estudada, optamos tratar de um dos seus atos diplomáticos mais polêmicos: o reatamento das relações diplomáticas do Brasil com a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas, realizado em 23 de novembro de 1961. Para tanto, elegemos como fonte privilegiada de nossa pesquisa o jornal Correio do Povo, de Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. A escolha por esse jornal se deu por dois motivos, indissociáveis: sua auto-proclamada imparcialidade e sua tradição. Desse modo, através das notícias e opiniões veiculadas no Correio do Povo, procuramos perceber como se posicionavam os setores políticos em razão do restabelecimento de relações diplomáticas com a URSS, bem como qual a tendência geral que orientava o periódico em questão na época. / This is the thesis of masters degree in history that approaches Política Externa Independente of João Goularts government (1961-1964). Supported by the nationalism, this external politics constituted in an instrument for social and economical development of the country, it was also looking for a new insertion of Brazil internationally in those intense cold war years. To obtain closer proximity to what meant the Política Externa Independente to the period studied, we chose to deal with one of the most polemic diplomatic act: the resumption to diplomatic relations of Brazil with Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, held on 23 November 1961. For that purpose, we elected as a privileged source of our research the newspaper Correio do Povo , from Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. The choice for this journal was for two inseparable reasons: their self-proclaimed impartiality and its tradition. That way, through the news and opinions expressed in Correio do Povo, we try to understand how the political sectors took sides, in reason of the restoration of diplomatic relations with the URSS, as well as which was the general trend that guided the newspaper the time.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de Leonel Brizola com o movimento político dos setores subalternos nacionalistas das Forças Armadas Brasileiras durante o período em que esteve no governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962) até o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Procura-se identificar as estratégias utilizadas por Brizola visando obter o apoio dos setores subalternos castrenses, em especial do círculo dos sargentos, para suas ações políticas. Essas estratégias, com o objetivo de conquistar apoio para o projeto político reformista-nacionalista desse político sul-rio-grandense e articular uma resistência a um possível golpe de Estado, acirraram uma divisão latente dentro das Forças Armadas Brasileiras entre os grupos nacionalistas e os anti-nacionalistas ou entreguistas. A análise da estruturação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, que apoiou a luta política dos subalternos militares, e a discussão acerca de conceitos importantes, tais como, populismo e nacionalismo, são realizadas pelo trabalho, no sentido de apontar as influências exercidas por essa organização partidária no ideário brizolista e na luta dos subalternos militares. Para além da indicação das estratégias brizolistas utilizadas no sentido de aproximar-se dos militares nacionalistas, pretende-se indicar as disputas internas ocorridas nas Forças Armadas Brasileiras nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e suas articulações com a sociedade civil. / This research aims to analyse the relationships of Leonel Brizola with the subordinate nationalist sectors of the Brazilian Armed Forces, particularly the circle of sergeants, during the period in which government was in the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962), until the coup civil-military from 1964. Seeking to identify the strategies used by Brizola to get the support of the subordinate castrenses sectors, especially the circle of sergeants, for its political actions. These strategies, aimed at obtaining political support for the project reformist-nationalist politician that south riograndense, caused a division within the Armed Forces Brasileiras. The analysis of the structure of the Brazilian Labour Party and discussion about important concepts such as nationalism and populism, are carried out by work, in order to sharpen the ideological influence exercised by that party organization in brizolista ideology. In addition to the indication of the strategies used to brizolistas closer to the subordinate military nationalists, it is intended to indicate the internal disputes which occurred in the Brazilian Armed Forces in the decades of 1950 and 1960 and its joints with civilians and with the policy.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de Leonel Brizola com o movimento político dos setores subalternos nacionalistas das Forças Armadas Brasileiras durante o período em que esteve no governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962) até o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Procura-se identificar as estratégias utilizadas por Brizola visando obter o apoio dos setores subalternos castrenses, em especial do círculo dos sargentos, para suas ações políticas. Essas estratégias, com o objetivo de conquistar apoio para o projeto político reformista-nacionalista desse político sul-rio-grandense e articular uma resistência a um possível golpe de Estado, acirraram uma divisão latente dentro das Forças Armadas Brasileiras entre os grupos nacionalistas e os anti-nacionalistas ou entreguistas. A análise da estruturação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, que apoiou a luta política dos subalternos militares, e a discussão acerca de conceitos importantes, tais como, populismo e nacionalismo, são realizadas pelo trabalho, no sentido de apontar as influências exercidas por essa organização partidária no ideário brizolista e na luta dos subalternos militares. Para além da indicação das estratégias brizolistas utilizadas no sentido de aproximar-se dos militares nacionalistas, pretende-se indicar as disputas internas ocorridas nas Forças Armadas Brasileiras nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e suas articulações com a sociedade civil. / This research aims to analyse the relationships of Leonel Brizola with the subordinate nationalist sectors of the Brazilian Armed Forces, particularly the circle of sergeants, during the period in which government was in the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962), until the coup civil-military from 1964. Seeking to identify the strategies used by Brizola to get the support of the subordinate castrenses sectors, especially the circle of sergeants, for its political actions. These strategies, aimed at obtaining political support for the project reformist-nationalist politician that south riograndense, caused a division within the Armed Forces Brasileiras. The analysis of the structure of the Brazilian Labour Party and discussion about important concepts such as nationalism and populism, are carried out by work, in order to sharpen the ideological influence exercised by that party organization in brizolista ideology. In addition to the indication of the strategies used to brizolistas closer to the subordinate military nationalists, it is intended to indicate the internal disputes which occurred in the Brazilian Armed Forces in the decades of 1950 and 1960 and its joints with civilians and with the policy.

Esta dissertação de Mestrado em História aborda a Política Externa Independente do governo João Goulart (1961-1964). Fundamentada no nacionalismo, essa política externa se constituía em um instrumento de desenvolvimento econômicosocial para o país, além de procurar uma nova inserção internacional para o Brasil naqueles anos intensos da Guerra Fria. Para obtermos uma maior aproximação com o que significou a Política Externa Independente para a época estudada, optamos tratar de um dos seus atos diplomáticos mais polêmicos: o reatamento das relações diplomáticas do Brasil com a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas, realizado em 23 de novembro de 1961. Para tanto, elegemos como fonte privilegiada de nossa pesquisa o jornal Correio do Povo, de Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. A escolha por esse jornal se deu por dois motivos, indissociáveis: sua auto-proclamada imparcialidade e sua tradição. Desse modo, através das notícias e opiniões veiculadas no Correio do Povo, procuramos perceber como se posicionavam os setores políticos em razão do restabelecimento de relações diplomáticas com a URSS, bem como qual a tendência geral que orientava o periódico em questão na época. / This is the thesis of masters degree in history that approaches Política Externa Independente of João Goularts government (1961-1964). Supported by the nationalism, this external politics constituted in an instrument for social and economical development of the country, it was also looking for a new insertion of Brazil internationally in those intense cold war years. To obtain closer proximity to what meant the Política Externa Independente to the period studied, we chose to deal with one of the most polemic diplomatic act: the resumption to diplomatic relations of Brazil with Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, held on 23 November 1961. For that purpose, we elected as a privileged source of our research the newspaper Correio do Povo , from Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. The choice for this journal was for two inseparable reasons: their self-proclaimed impartiality and its tradition. That way, through the news and opinions expressed in Correio do Povo, we try to understand how the political sectors took sides, in reason of the restoration of diplomatic relations with the URSS, as well as which was the general trend that guided the newspaper the time.