This dissertation, through the case study approach, investigates the role of environmental action groups in raising public awareness of environmental hazards in Merewent. Merewent is a residential suburb that lies in the heart of the South Durban Basin adjacent to two oil refineries, a paper mill and other small industries. The sulphur -rich gases released by these refineries over the more than forty years have affected the health of the residents. Many today have respiratory ailments, with some of them developing related cancers. With the emergence of environmental action groups in the area, the awareness of the problem has increased. This has resulted in pressure being applied by the community on the refineries to adopt less hazardous methods of refining crude oil. Most of the people who make up these action groups had limited knowledge of the environmental pollution. However, through their involvement in the activities of these groups, they learnt and became active participants in these organisations. Using science literacy, popular education and social learning theory as the underlying theoretical basis, this study investigates the learning that took place when people participated in social action. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

Nous analysons dans cette thèse le processus de structuration d'organisations politiques écologistes, le Green Party et les Verts, de manière comparative et à l'échelle régionale, sur la période 1974-1995. Nous étudions cinq dimensions de ce processus : structuration organisationnelle, évolution des clivages avec les autres formations politiques, évolutions électorales et stratégiques, parcours militants et médiatisation des écologistes. Nous mettons en évidence plusieurs processus se jouant à l'échelle régionale et locale et leur influence décisive sur l'échelle nationale (rôle moteur des fédérations régionales dans l'unification des Verts français, évolutions stratégiques locales) mais également l'impactrécurrent à l'échelle locale de dynamiques opérant à l'échelle européenne, surtout à partir de la formation d'un groupe écologiste au Parlement européen à partir de 1984. Dans les deux régions, les caractéristiques des partis Verts sont déterminées en premier lieu par la structure des clivages qui les opposent (ou apparentent) aux autres partis politiques ainsi que les parcours militants de leurs militants, deux facteurs qui donnent également lieu à de graves conflits internes. En Bretagne, les événements de mai 1968 puis un mouvement anti-nucléaire puissant contribuent à la structuration d'une famille politique consistante mais les Verts restent très fragiles sur le plan organisationnel, malgré une implantation électorale significative surtout à partir de 1989. Au Pays de Galles, le développement d'un mouvement écologiste autonome est entravée par la puissance du mouvement régionaliste et la présence au sein du parti travailliste de nombreux opposants à l'armement nucléaire, et le fait qu'une partie significative des militants du Green Party soient des nouveaux arrivants originaires d'Angleterre. Le Wales Green Party recueille de ce fait des résultats électoraux très faibles mais parvient à pérenniser son organisation et ses activités. / This thesis analyses the structuring of green political parties from a comparative perspective and at a regional (sub-national) scale, from 1974 to 1995. We study five dimensions of this process: organisational structuring, evolution of cleavages with other political parties, electoral and strategic evolutions, careers of activists, and media coverage (including a study of green media). Our research highlights several processes taking place at regional and local levels which have a decisive influence on the national scale (e. g. the crucial part played by regional federations in the unification of LesVerts in 1984 and early strategic evolutions at a local level) as well as the regional impact of dynamics developing at the European level, above all after the formation of a Green group in the European Parliament in 1984. In both regions, the Green parties are shaped first of all by the cleavages opposing (or relating) them to other parties and by the careers of their activists, two factors from which also stem serious internal conflicts. In Brittany, the impact of May 1968 followed by a successful movement against nuclear power have contributed to the transformation of the green movement into apolitical force but Les Verts have then remained very fragile as an organisation, despite significant electoral gains from 1989 onwards. In Wales, the green movement as a specific force is weakened by the strength of the regionalist movement, the opposition to nuclear weapons from many Labour Party activists and the fact that many Green Party activists in Wales are newcomers from England. The Wales Green Party thus obtains low electoral results but nevertheless succeeds in making its campaigns and activism durable.

Submitted by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-03-09T18:21:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Mapeando a rede ecológica na região de Pelotas.pdf: 7042814 bytes, checksum: ccc607a2628f00952ec1509444043944 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-03-09T18:31:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Mapeando a rede ecológica na região de Pelotas.pdf: 7042814 bytes, checksum: ccc607a2628f00952ec1509444043944 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-03-09T18:32:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Mapeando a rede ecológica na região de Pelotas.pdf: 7042814 bytes, checksum: ccc607a2628f00952ec1509444043944 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-09T18:32:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Mapeando a rede ecológica na região de Pelotas.pdf: 7042814 bytes, checksum: ccc607a2628f00952ec1509444043944 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / O presente trabalho se propôs a analisar a organização da rede ecológica na região de Pelotas a fim de abordar, a partir das definições dos próprios atores, os principais elementos construtores dos significados que parecem dar sentido à rede local. O estudo teve como cenário a região de Pelotas e seus espaços de comercialização de produtos ecológicos tais como feiras ecológicas, lojas, restaurantes e propriedades de famílias ligadas à produção ecológica na região. Além disso, a partir da perspectiva teórica e metodológica do Ator-rede tratou-se de priorizar a heterogeneidade de atores e conexões produzidas em torno das relações da rede local. Utilizou-se enquanto recurso metodológico entrevistas abertas e observação participante, ferramentas cunhadas a partir do método etnográfico. Discutem-se, a partir dos dados de campo, o processo de invenção da categoria ecológica na rede local. Para abordar este assunto, serão tratados dois conceitos importantes na formação da rede: as noções de agricultura alternativa e agricultura ecológica. Espero ponderar ao leitor, como a transposição da noção de alternativo para ecológico modifica as relações da rede mobilizando outros significados para ela. Neste sentido, para além do plano ideológico e racional do ecológico parece se objetivar na experiência cotidiana, seja no ato de se alimentar, no trato com a terra ou até mesmo no preparo dos alimentos ecológicos. Por fim, pretendo traçar a dinâmica de ação de duas entidades religiosas que parecem ser estruturantes na organização da rede local. Primeiramente a esfera de ação das entidades religiosas, as quais partem de demandas locais para auxiliar na organização dos grupos e, em seguida, a transferência deste papel para o Estado, o qual atribui ao universo dos agricultores familiares demandas e definições em relação aos fazeres da agricultura ecológica, a partir de ações distantes da realidade da rede local. / The present study proposes to analyze the organization of ecological network in the region of Pelotas in order to deal with, from the definitions of their own players, the main elements builders of meanings that seem to make sense to the local network. The study scenario is the region of Pelotas and their spaces of marketing of ecological products such as ecological fairs, shops, restaurants and properties of families linked to ecological production in the region. In addition, from the theoretical perspective and methodology of actor-network theory (ANT) it was to prioritize the heterogeneity of actors and connections produced around the relationship of the local network. It was used as methodological resource open interviews and participant observation, tools minted from the ethnographic method. It is discussed, from the field data, the process of invention of ecological category on the local network. To address this issue, we will cover two important concepts in the training of the network: the concepts of alternative agriculture and ecological agriculture. I hope to consider to the reader, as the implementation of the concept of alternative ecological modifies the relations of the network mobilizing other meanings to it. In this sense, in addition to the ideological plan and rational ecological seems to objectivate in daily experience, is in the act of eating, in dealing with the land or even in the preparation of ecological food. Finally, I want to trace the dynamic action of two religious bodies that seem to be influential in the organization of the local network. The first sphere of action linked to religious bodies, which are based on local demands to assist in the organization of the groups, and then the transfer of this role for the State, which attaches to the universe of family farmers demands and definitions in relation to doings of ecological agriculture, from actions far from the reality of local network.

Vancouver Island's old growth temperate rainforest has been the focal point in the conflict between environmentalists and forestry workers. While a substantial body of sociological literature exists on participants in the environmental movement (EM), there is a dearth of literature on participants in anti-environmentalist countermovements. Share Our Resources of Port Alberni (Share) is a countermovement organization that emerged to act as a voice for forestry workers and resource dependent communities and to counter the 'misinformation' being spread by environmentalists. The conflict over forestry and conservation is fuelled as environmentalists become the "other" against which Share members mobilize and construct their collective identity - an collective identity characterized by a core of pro-industry, pro-community and anti-environmental sentiments. This thesis addresses two research questions: First, what are the underlying differences between members of the two movements with respect to their socio-demographics, values, networks, and collective identities? Second, if certain factors are important in explaining identification with the EM, then what factors are important in explaining identification with Share. Using bivariate correlation analysis and multiple regression analysis, three sources of data are analyzed: self-administered questionnaires sent to both Share (N=129) and EM members (N=381); and a telephone survey of the general public of Port Alberni (N=100). My results show that Share respondents are predominantly older, working class men employed in the forest industry without a great deal of formal education. Share members more highly value anthropocentrism and are more politically conservative. Identification with the forest industry is the strongest and most significant predictor of identification with Share. The most theoretically interesting and surprising finding is that out-group ties or ties to environmentalists, is a positive and statistically significant predictor of identification with Share. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

This thesis has analyzed the relationship between the punitive turn and the crime policies of the Green party (Miljöpartiet de Gröna) and the Sweden democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) to answer the research question; what influence the punitive turn has had on the parties policies. The choice of method has fallen on a quantitative content-analysis with a qualitative complementarity and qualitative facilitation. From an account of the punitive turn has a word-list with recording units been created, of those recording units has a computer-search been made of the two parties most recent official documents which accounts for the parties holistic politics; MP´s Partyprogramme from 2013, and SD´s Principleprogramme from 2011. The result of the qualitative complementarity shows; a greater frequency of recording units for MP than for SD. The analysis of the qualitative facilitation-result shows; a lesser direct influence of the punitive turn for MP than for SD. The result and analysis are discussed regarding whether the research question has been answered, and no such conclusion is considered to be made by the researcher, instead are the result and analysis open for interpretation of the reader.

This study was approached with a desire to move forward the body of knowledge concerning environmental research as it pertains to the hospitality industry. The endeavor was undertaken with the belief that concern and awareness about the environment is not a passing fad but a fundamental shift in society. In order for any business to survive it must keep up with changes and meet the demands of consumers. The research efforts in this study were aimed at establishing the validity and reliability of a consumer behavior model specifically related to environmental behavior. The purpose of this dissertation was to evaluate a consumer's intention to stay in a hotel based on the environmental strategies used by that hotel. Hines (1984) developed a conceptual environmental consumer behavior model based on a meta-analysis of literature on environmentally responsible behavior. Hines' conceptual Model of Responsible Environmental Behavior utilized knowledge, abilities, attitudes, personal responsibility and locus of control to predict environmental behavior. The goal of this study was to empirically test an adapted version of Hines' Model of Responsible Environmental Behavior. This adapted version utilized knowledge, attitudes and perceived self-efficacy to predict consumers' intentions to purchase a night's stay in a hotel. Canonical correlation analysis was used to test the relationship between intention and each of the variables (knowledge, attitudes and perceived self-efficacy) in Hines' model. The multivariate test of significance revealed that each variable had a positive relationship to intention to purchase. The Hines' Model of Responsible Environmental Behavior was more useful in predicting consumers' intention to purchase a night's stay in a particular hotel than each variable individually. The model tested in this study has laid the foundation for developing a sound environmentally responsible consumer behavior model. The research findings suggest that a hotel implementing environmental strategies can increase business for that hotel. / Ph. D.

No description available.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and growth of the environmental/green movement has been linked to a value shift from materialism towards postmaterialism. In this study, the emergence of the South African environmental/green movement and its growth potential is investigated within the context of Ronald Inglehart's value change theory and its implications for developing societies. The positive link between postmaterialism and environmentalism is well researched and widely accepted. However, many researchers focusing on developing societies argue that a shift towards postmaterialism does not adequately explain the emergence of environmentalism, because environmentalism is taking root in developing societies despite postmaterialist values not being prioritised. This relationship is investigated by means of a literature study about the values, principles and issues addressed by the environmental/green movement. It is argued in this study that environmentalism can indeed be linked to postmaterialism, but that prematerialist values could also playa role, especially in developing societies. The South African environmental/green movement is discussed as an example of environmentalism in a developing society. The South African movement is often described as a white middle class movement. It is argued on the basis of a literature study that the movement has changed considerably and incorporates a wide range of interests ranging from more conservative forms of environmentalism to radical political forms of environmentalism such as environmental justice. This change is linked to the concepts of prematerialism and postmaterialism emphasising that both sets of goals seems to be prioritised by different discourses within the movement. Issues concerning both the welloff and the poor are addressed by the movement. This is followed by an analysis of the 1995 World Value survey data set to obtain a demographic and socio-economic profile of the active members of an environmental organisation and the environmentally concerned. The relationship between active membership of an environmental organisation, the environmentally concerned and the concepts of prematerialism, materialism and postmaterialism is also established. The positive relationship between postmaterialism and environmentalism is confirmed, but contradictory results have been found regarding the relationship between prematerialism and environmentalism. This can possibly be attributed to the inadequate survey material that is available. Although active membership of an environmental organisation correlates positively with prematerialism, no relationship could be found between environmental concern and prematerialism. Lastly, a demographic and socio-economic profile of the "don't know" response group has also been compiled as this group is an important target group for the expansion of the environmental/green movement. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die totstandkoming en groei van die groen- of omgewingsbeweging word gekoppel aan 'n waardeverskuiwing van materialisme na postmaterialisme. Die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging en die groeipotensiaal daarvan word ill hierdie studie ondersoek binne die raamwerk van Ronald Inglehart se waardeverskuiwingsteorie en die implikasies daarvan vir ontwikkelende lande. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid is goed nagevors en geniet wye aanvaarding. Tog het verskeie navorsers, veral dié wat op ontwikkelende lande fokus, probleme daarmee. Hierdie navorsers argumenteer dat postmaterialisme nie die totstandkoming van die omgewingsbeweging in ontwikkelende lande voldoende verklaar nie, aangesien die beweging in hierdie lande posgevat het terwyl die prioritisering van postmaterialisme ontbreek. Hierdie verband word ondersoek d.m.v. 'n literatuurstudie oor die waardes, beginsels en vraagstukke wat deur die groen/omgewingsbeweging aangespreek word. Daar word in hierdie studie geargumenteer dat omgewingsbewustheid wel aan postmaterialisme gekoppel kan word, maar dat prematerialistiese waardes waarskynlik ook 'n rol kan speel, veral in ontwikkelende lande. Die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging word beskryf as 'n voorbeeld van omgewingsbewustheid in 'n ontwikkelende land. Die Suid-Afrikaanse beweging word dikwels beskryf as 'n wit middelklasbeweging. Daar word op grond van 'n literatuurstudie geargumenteer dat die beweging aansienlik verander het sodat dit nou 'n breë verskeidendenheid van belange aanspreek wat wissel van die meer konserwatiewe vorme van omgewingsbewustheid tot die radikale politieke vorme soos byvoorbeeld omgewingsregverdigheid (Eng: environmental justice). Die verskuiwing word aan die konsepte van postmaterialisme en prematerialisme verbind. Dit word beklemtoon dat verskillende groeperings binne die groen/omgewingsbeweging verskillende waardes prioritiseer. Vraagstukke wat beide die welvarendes en die armes raak, word deur die beweging aangespreek. Die literatuurstudie word gevolg deur 'n analise van die 1995 World Value Survey datastel. 'n Demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die aktiewe lede van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en respondente wat as omgewingsbewus geïdentifiseer is, is opgestel. Die verhouding tussen die konsepte van prematerialisme, materialisme en postmaterialisme en aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie aan die een kant en omgewingsbewustheid aan ander kant word ook bespreek. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid, sowel as aktiewe lidmaatskap word deur die data bevestig. 'n Positiewe verband is ook tussen aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en prematerialisme gevind, maar teenstrydige resulte is gevind rakende die verband tussen omgewingsbewustheid en prematerialisme. Hierdie resultate kan egter moontlik beïnvloed wees deur die onvoldoende meetinstrument wat beskikbaar is. Laastens is 'n demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die "weet nie" responsgroep saamgestel, aangesien hierdie groep 'n belangrike teiken is indien die groen/omgewingsbeweging wil uitbrei.

Depuis la colonisation jusqu’aux plus récents conflits qui affectent le « Moyen-Orient », le visuel participe à la création d’une image raciale et sexuelle du monde musulman dans laquelle l’Orient « archaïque » est représenté comme l’opposé moral de l’Occident « moderne ». Ce discours nommé Orientalisme (Saïd 1994) transforme l’Orient en objet du savoir et du regard occidental (Nochlin 1989). La peinture, la photographie, et les expositions universelles sont autant de moyens qui permettent d’instaurer un point de vue privilégié de l’Occident sur l’Orient. Avec le Web 2.0 et les technologies mobiles, le partage d’images fait partie intégrale de notre quotidien et celles-ci nous proviennent de partout et de n’importe qui. En considérant que l’Orientalisme est indissociable des techniques modernes de représentation du monde (Mitchell 2013), le présent mémoire souhaite interroger l’impact de ces nouvelles technologies sur la production, la circulation et la réception des images du dit Orient. Nous concentrerons notre étude sur les images captées et partagées depuis les manifestations de la Révolution verte iranienne de juin 2009, entre autres la vidéo de l’assassinat de la jeune Neda Agha Soltan qui a fait la une des médias occidentaux. En prenant comme base les écrits d’Edward Saïd, que nous réviserons par le biais de lectures féministes, nous verrons que l’Orientalisme visuel mute au rythme des changements politiques, culturels et technologiques qu’il rencontre. En plus d’éclairer les images de notre corpus, la question féministe nous permettra d’élargir la définition et les mécanismes de l’Orientalisme proposés par Saïd. Nous démontrerons que tout en ayant le potentiel de bouleverser l’image que construit l’Occident de l’Orient, le Web 2.0 actualise aussi l’Orientalisme visuel sous de nouveaux modes de production du savoir. / From the colonization era until the most recent conflicts in the "Middle East," visual culture contributes to the creation of a racial and sexual image of the muslim world, in which the "archaic" Orient is represented as the moral opponent of "modern" Occident. This discourse entitled Orientalism (Saïd 1994) transforms the Orient into an object of knowledge and of occidental gaze (Nochlin 1989). Painting, photography, and universal exhibitions are but a few of the means through which the West's privileged point of view is constructed over the Orient. With the Web 2.0 and mobile technologies, sharing images from everywhere and everyone has become part of our daily life. Assuming that Orientalism is indissociable from modern techniques of the world's repressentation (Mitchell 2013), this thesis aims to question the impact of such new technologies on the production, circulation and reception of images from the so-called Orient. This study will focus on images captured and shared since the protests of the Iranian Green Movement of June 2009, especially the video of the murder of the young Neda Agha Soltan, which made the headlines of Western media. Building on the writings of Edward Saïd, which will be revised through feminist readings, it will be demonstrated that visual Orientalism evolves in accordance with the political, cultural and technological changes it encounters. The feminist question will not only shed light on the images of this corpus, but also contribute to widen the definition and mechanisms of Orientalism suggested by Saïd. It will be demonstrated that if the Web 2.0 has the potential of disrupting the constructed image of the Orient by the Occident, it also updates visual Orientalism through new modes of knowledge production.

L’écologie est un courant de pensée critique à l’encontre des sociétés industrialisées qui se développe dans la seconde moitié du XXème siècle en Occident. En tant que mouvement social, les écologistes cherchent à définir les règles d’une société plus respectueuse de l’environnement et du cadre de vie ; en tant que courant politique, leurs réflexions ont pour but de proposer un autre modèle de société. Entre 1960 et 1990, la France et l’Allemagne présentent des similitudes en matière de prise de conscience environnementale au sein de la population et au niveau de l’arrivée de l’écologie sur la scène politique. Une analyse comparative plus précise dévoile toutefois des caractéristiques historiques, économiques, sociales, politiques et institutionnelles ainsi que culturelles et mentales propres à chaque pays qui permettent de souligner des divergences importantes dans ces domaines et d’expliquer les clichés se rapportant à une Allemagne romantique, sensible à la protection de la biosphère, et une France cartésienne, négligente sur le plan environnemental. / Ecology is a critical current of thought towards industrialized societies, which spreads throughout the Western countries in the second half of the 20th century. As a social movement, Ecologists try to set the rules of a society more respectful of the environment and the living conditions ; as a political movement, they offer a new model for society. Between 1960 and 1990, France and Germany present similarities regarding a growing sensitivity towards the environemental issues in their populations and the progressive accession of ecology to the political stage. A more detailed analysis nevertheless reveals historical, economical, social, political and institutional as well as cultural and mental characteristics peculiar to each country underlining important differences in these fields and explaining the clichés about a romantic Germany concerned with the need to preserve the biosphere and a Cartesian France ignoring the environment.