El objetivo principal de esta tesis doctoral es el de describir y analizar las formas de empleo del trabajo en las plantaciones coloniales de la isla de Fernando Póo entre 1880 y 1930. Dentro del relativo desconocimiento del fenómeno de la colonización española en Guinea Ecuatorial, las relaciones del trabajo en la agricultura colonial de Fernando Póo —aún siendo uno de los aspectos claves del proceso colonial— han sido y, en gran medida, siguen siendo aún un enigma para l a investigación sobre el tema. El interés por el estudio de las formas de uso y de empleo del trabajo en Fernando Póo es doble: Por una parte, como evidencia histórica que merecía ser descrita empíricamente e investigada y, por otra, como ejemplo histórico que podía ser objeto de reflexión teórica. En primer lugar, no estoy plenamente de acuerdo con aquella teoría según la cual la organización del trabajo en las sociedades colonizadas dependió fundamentalmente del modelo de colonización impuesto por la metrópoli. Esta teoría, desarrollada y sostenida por algunos autores como R.J. Hammond en sus estudios sobre la colonización portuguesa en África, al identificar ciertas prácticas coloniales con una ideología colonial "caduca" ha provocado un efecto reduccionista en el análisis de los procesos de colonización. Así, la rentabilidad económica de la colonia dependió del método colonial empleado que derivaba, en última instancia, del grado de desarrollo económico y político de la metrópoli colonizadora. De este modo, según R.J, Hammond o M. Barrat Brown, el "fracaso" de experiencias coloniales como la portuguesa (y par extensión también la española) fue el resultado de la imposición de métodos coloniales "desfasados" por unas metrópolis que presentaban un acusado atraso socioeconómico y político, en comparación a otras potencias coloniales europeas. Estos sistemas coloniales "caducos" explicaban a su vez el uso de mecanismos extraeconómicos en la obtención del trabajo indígena. La coerción física en la contratación de trabajadores y las condiciones semiesclavistas del trabajo practicadas en las colonias portuguesas de África —e imitadas por los españoles en Fernando Póo—, eran síntomas de ".inadecuadas" políticas coloniales que obstaculizaban el libre desarrollo de las leyes de la economía capitalista que, en modo alguno, precisa del uso de mecanismos coercitivos para lograr la expansión económica. En segundo lugar, menos convincente me parece la teoría desarrollada por algunos africanistas franceses como, entre otros, P.-Ph. Rey y Cl. Meillassoux en los años setenta. Según estos autores, la intervención de mecanismos extraeconómicos en la organización del trabajo en las sociedades colonizadas no fue un hecho de excepción, sino una "necesidad" del capitalismo para superar la resistencia de las sociedades no capitalistas. Así pues, la expansión del capitalismo precisó, como una exigencia histórica, del establecimiento de un "modo de producción colonial", transicional, caracterizado por la creciente intervención del aparato militar colonial y por el elevado índice de violencia física y psicológica que presidió las relaciones sociales en las sociedades colonizadas. En el apartado IV.2 de la tesis se expone una crítica más detallada de esta teoría que, al identificar el concepto de modo de producción con una determinada forma de organización del trabajo, incurre en un abusivo mecanicismo que desvirtúa la realidad del proceso colonial. La tesis central de esta investigación, sin negar las repercusiones del modelo o de la política colonial en el proceso de la colonización, aunque limitando sus efectos, intenta demostrar que los empleadores del trabajo eligen una forma u otra de uso o de empleo del trabajo, no condicionados por una fidelidad a los principios de la colonización o a una ética empresarial de tipo capitalista, sino más bien influenciadas por un conjunto de factores que van desde una determinada ideología del trabajo que adscribe, a priori, al trabajador africano en la división social del trabajo, hasta una especifica "racionalidad" subordinada al cálculo económico que, en definitiva, remiten al proceso de la formación de la sociedad colonial.

This dissertation examines the ways in which a Papua New Guinean people, the Maisin of Collingwood Bay in Oro Province, have over the years responded to and appropriated a version of Christianity brought to them by Anglican missionaries. The Maisin treat Christianity not as a foreign imposition, but as an integral part of their total religious conceptions, activities and experiences. Almost a century of documented Maisin history reveals a consistency related to what is here called a "social ideology": a complex formed by idioms of asymmetry between senior and junior kin and allies, equivalence in exchanges between a range of social categories of persons, and complementarity between the sexes. Extensions of the social ideology to the developments of the post-contact society are explored in the contexts of a growing dependence on money and commodities, unequal access to education and jobs, large-scale out-migration, the material requirements of the local church, and church regulations concerning social behaviour. The social ideology is also extended to sorcerers, ancestral ghosts, bush spirits, and Christian divinities. The analysis shows that Maisin experience indigenous and Christian elements as realities that exist within a single religious field. Working from the premise that religion is an aspect of the people's total experience and not a separate cultural institution or sub-system, the thesis explores the modes by which the Maisin create and discover coherence between the various elements within the religious field. The most important points and occasions of religious coherence are those in which the moral precepts of the social ideology are joined with conceptions of spiritual entities towards the explanation and resolution of problems. Three "religious precipitates", as these moments of coherence are termed, are analysed: the village church, healing practices, and death rites. A major finding of this study is that Maisin articulate their assumptions about local sorcerers, ghosts, and spirits within idioms of conflict between kin and affinal groupings, but speak of God, Christ and the church as symbols of community solidarity. The village church is analysed as a point of convergence of the social ideology, economic aspirations, memories of past interactions with missionaries, and Christian teachings and forms. The primary religious importance of the church is as a condensed symbol of communitas that transcends the inherited divisions of the social order and the contradictions of present political and economic conditions. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Unconstitutional changes, especially coups d’états, have undoubtedly eroded peace and security in many parts of the African continent. These occurrences have also stunted the development of democracy in some African states. The African Union (AU), supported by sub-regional bodies, addresses this problem by imposing sanctions on the regimes that acquire power through coups with the aim of restoring political order. However, this sanctions policy has produced mixed results. In some cases, these sanctions managed to succeed in achieving their objectives (Guinea) while in other instances sanctions failed to achieve their objectives (Madagascar). It is therefore imperative to inquire into the circumstances and assess the conditions under which the AU sanctions policies failed and succeeded in restoring political order to states that experience coups d’états. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

published_or_final_version / Physiology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Physiology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Biochemistry / Master / Master of Philosophy

The major concern of this study is to examine the current process of national development in the two African states of Mozambique and Guinea Bissau. Recognizing the fact that the problem of development is the foremost challenge to all contemporary African nations, the pursuit of an alternative approach to the process of development by the two countries, is certainly a break-away from the change in continuity of the colonial capitalist mode of production, characteristic of Africa today. Contrary to the general practice in Africa which limits the concept of development to economics, and the enrichment of the petty bourgeoisie, the process of national development in Mozambique and Guinea Bissau has rightfully been conceptualized in terms of its economic, social, political, and ideological complexities, while the uplift of the masses occupies the center of the economic activity. The study critically examined the economic dimensions of the development process in both Mozambique and Guinea Bissau. The specific concern centered on industrialization and economic integration, the design and character of agriculture, the mechanisms of distribution of national wealth, the alternative measures of unemployment control, and the strategy followed in an attempt to eliminate post-colonial linkages. Viewing the role of politics in the overall process of development as an essential one, especially with regard to structural transformation and mobilization, the study examined the political dimensions of development in these countries. The focus was placed on the role of the party, structural transformation and mass participation, the distribution of power and national integration, political consciousness and rural politicization, in addition to their various implications on the development process. The study shows that the political elements have rendered the process of development, creative and complementary, cohesive, as well as dynamic. With regard to the social dimensions of development, the study examined the particularity of education, the unique innovations in health care and housing, and the progress made so far in the attainment of self-reliance. Faced with the task of assessing the efficacity of this approach to national development, the study without pretending to provide the cure for all development problems in Africa, concluded by uncovering the commendable merits and uniqueness of the approach, but also cautions against blind copying, while at the same time it encourages others to take a critical look at this experience in an attempt to assess the extent to which it can apply to their concrete conditions.

Tendo em vista a ascensão da costa ocidental africana como uma fonte alternativa de fornecimento de petróleo ao mercado mundial no período contemporâneo, este trabalho busca responder ao seguinte questionamento: quais as implicações políticas e securitárias da exploração do petróleo na região do Golfo da Guiné, a partir dos anos 2000? Como objetivos do estudo, propõe-se a investigação da influência desse recurso energético nas características dos Estados da região, compreender sua relação com a formação de instituições como as companhias nacionais de petróleo, avaliar sua influência no interesse estrangeiro e na ocorrência de conflitos da região. Para responder o problema de pesquisa, foi realizada ampla revisão bibliográfica em fontes especializadas, relatórios e organismos internacionais. Na primeira seção, examina-se o petróleo no Golfo da Guiné, a competição pelos recursos africanos, a indústria do petróleo na Nigéria e em Angola, e o debate sobre a maldição dos recursos naturais. Na segunda parte são investigadas as implicações políticas e securitárias do petróleo, avaliando suas consequências para as instituições e características do Estado. Em seguida, são avaliados os interesses dos EUA e China na zona, a evolução da Comissão do Golfo da Guiné e os conflitos associados ao petróleo. Por fim, aprofunda-se o estudo da Nigéria, o maior produtor da região, analisando a história do petróleo no país, o conflito no Delta do Níger, e as associações entre exploração de petróleo e política externa. / Considering the rise of the West African coast as an alternative source of oil supply to the world market in the contemporary period, this paper seeks to answer the following question: what are the political and security implications of oil exploration in the Gulf of Guinea, from the 2000's? This study aims to investigate the influence of this energy resource on the characteristics of the states of the region, to understand its relationship with the formation of institutions such as national oil companies, to evaluate their influence on foreign interest and on the occurrence of conflicts in the region. In order to answer the research problem, a bibliographical review was carried out, using specialized sources, reports and documents of international organizations. The first section examines oil in the Gulf of Guinea, the scramble for African resources, the oil industry in Nigeria and Angola, and the debate over the curse of natural resources. The second part investigates the political and security implications of petroleum, evaluating its consequences for the institutions and characteristics of the state. Next, the US and Chinese interests in the zone are evaluated, the Gulf of Guinea Commission's evolution and the conflicts associated with oil in the GG. Finally, the study of Nigeria, the largest producer in the region, examining the history of oil in the country, the conflict in the Niger Delta, and the associations between oil exploration and foreign policy is explored.

No description available.

Four non-licking guinea pigs were reinforced with water for successive approximations to licking an operandum feeder. Once all subjects had obtained their total liquid intake for a three-week period by licking, an optimum deprivation schedule was determined. Fixed ratio and variable interval schedules were found to affect licking behavior of the guinea pigs being slightly lower than that of the rat. Precise control over the onset and offset of licking was demonstrated through discrimination training.