The use of Web sites by terrorist groups has been evident since the mid 1990s. Security experts and researchers have identified terror-related Internet activity as a growing area of concern, especially following the attacks of September 11, 2001. Terrorist groups using the Internet pose two distinct threats. The first is cyberterrorism: terrorists using the Internet destructively and directly to bring about harm to persons or property, including, attacks on Web sites. The second is the use of the Internet as a communication medium to further the cause of terrorism or a particular organization. As of 2008, Weimann (2008b) estimated that over 6,000 terrorist Web sites exist, but the definition of a terrorist Web site is not always clear. This study analyzed the content of 30 "extremist" sites and defined those as sites that endorse hatred and violence towards the United States and its allies by sharing their hatred and actively promoting their ideologies online. This research examined the source of the message, the message content, the types of receivers intended, the channels used to communicate the message, the purpose of the message, and the effects of the message. Results indicate that a major purpose of the organizations is to justify their actions to skeptics. The organizations have built a virtual extremist community with each other and outside members where their sum is greater than their total. The actual impact of these sites is difficult to measure. However, while Web 2.0 features are employed on these sites, this study argues that censorship and forum rules restrict members from engaging in a real dialogue thus limiting the potential of recruiting moderates.

This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

This essay takes a look at Israel's security policy and the definition of threat as a major factor in building up the security policies. This essay brings up also the problems of having a realist way of acting towards a more constructivist problem, as it is in this case. To understand better the constructivist context an analysis of Israel's security policy and a research of its roots are made as well as how Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Hamas and Hezbollah are seen as threats to the Israeli state security. The aim is to look at the problem and at the basis of the foundation of both the organizations and Israel. From there, the conclusion takes its essence. In fact. what come forward are the social structures that created the infrastructures and this phenomenon is the root of the problem and not just the balance of power, which tends to come from a more bipolar problem thinking. This means that this problem might be easier to please with a more constructivist way of thinking and of looking at the problem to be able to think of solving it.

The recent conflict in Gaza between the state of Israel and Palestinians led by Hamas has again brought the question of Palestinian statehood to the attention of the international community. Religion has often been mentioned as a cause for the conflict between the two, as well as a reason for the perceived instability of the Middle East. It is within this frame of reference that this study takes place. This study attempts to use this emergence in current events as the starting point for the interaction between religion and resistance movements, examining the incorporation of Islamic doctrine into the actions towards Israel of the resistance movements Hamas and Hezbollah. In an attempt to determine the incorporation of Islam into resistance movements, this study will undertake case studies on two leading Islamic resistance movements, Hamas and Hezbollah. The Islamic doctrine to be investigated in these studies is that of the Umma, the worldwide community of Muslim believers. These case studies will examine how the doctrine of umma affects the two resistance movements, as well as variations in its interpretation in the two movements. This will allow for both an understanding of religious influence in resistance movements, but will also examine the differentiation of understanding of doctrine in Islam, as Hamas is primarily a Sunni organization, while Hezbollah is primarily Shiite. In this, a greater understanding of each of these concepts and their interaction will be gained.

This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

Denna undersökning är en kritisk textanalys av fem nyhetsartiklar skrivna av Nathan Shachar, Dagens Nyheters utrikeskorrespondent i Mellanöstern. Analysen är en undersökning av hur ansvar, här undersökt i termer av ergativitet, fördelas mellan parterna Hamas och Israel. Syftet med analysen är att ta reda på om en part tillskrivs mer ansvar än den andra för den pågående konflikten i området. Resultatet visar att Hamas i texterna är en drivande och påverkande deltagare, dubbelt så ofta som Israel. Hamas är också utsatt för påverkan dubbelt så många gånger som Israel. En annan framträdande deltagare i artiklarna är befolkningen i Gaza som beskrivs som mer påverkad än Hamas och Israel tillsammans. Undersökningen visar även att Gazaborna påverkas mer av Hamas agerande än av Israels. Satser där verbet står i passivum och saknar agent kan kopplas till ansvar; dessa uttryck analyseras för att ta reda på deras omfattning och eventuella påverkan på läsupplevelsen. Resultatet visar att passiver utan agent är relativt vanliga i artiklarna, vilket ger bilden av att ingen part kan stå till svars för dessa handlingar, trots att någon av dem faktiskt är ansvarig.

This study examines Hamas’ policies and opinions on women’s rights and participation in the public sphere from a perspective of Islamic feminism. A theoretical framework of Islamic feminism is developed in this thesis and can be applied to other Islamist organisations and parties. The study shows that Hamas’ policies and statements on the topic of women’s rights and political participation have changed from not qualifying as feminist at all to showing tendencies of an Islamic feminism in line with the Legalist model presented. This is partly due to the democratic elements of Hamas, which points towards that this might be a possible future for other Islamist parties which have gained power democratically, such as from the Arab spring.

This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

This article charts the development of the Palestinian Authority from its creation as an interim authority under the Oslo Accords towards becoming a failed (quasi-)state. By 2009 ¿ 15 years after its inception and ten years after the proposed final status negotiations ¿ the PA was split between a criminalized isolated entity in Gaza under the control of Hamas and an internationally recognized ¿caretaker government¿ in the West Bank under the control of Fatah and donor-supported technocrats. The role of violence ¿ i.e. the power of ¿shock and awe¿ ¿ in the creation of this failed (quasi-)state is emphasized: Israel's 2002 military campaign, Operation Defensive Shield, the sanctions and blockade imposed after the election of Hamas in January 2006, and the violence on the Palestinian street which split the PA in two. The article concludes by arguing that the PA failed (quasi-)state is presiding over the demise of the Palestinian dream of a viable state comprising both the West Bank and Gaza.