This thesis argues that the elite and urban women leaders of the Palestinian women's movement neglected to engage rural women and women living in refugee camps as their equals in a women's movement. Further, despite women's active presence in the public sphere, the sphere remained defined in masculine terms. As a result, Palestinian women, as "guests" in the domain of men, were easily pushed out after they had served their purpose in the nationalist crisis. What is remarkable is that even after Palestinian men reclaimed the public sphere, Palestinian women remained politically active in the private sphere. In order to understand how this was possible, we must look more closely at the terms "public sphere" and "private sphere".

The main focus of the thesis is the concept of jihad and martyrdom in Islam. It seeks to present these religious ideas from very diverse perspectives and argues that seemingly discontinuous dimensions are all parts of the nature of the phenomenon. In the world of Islam, religion is an omnipresent aspect of a public life. Hence, the historical experience, culture, socio-economics, and politics, they all manifest in religious narratives. Martyrdom embodies these complexities as well. Historically and culturally, martyrdom has been perceived as an expression of utmost activism in the struggle of a believer for the betterment of the Islamic society. Leading a responsible and truthful life sometimes demands the ultimate sacrifice of one's life for the cause. This worldly responsibility for the well-being of the Islamic umma is one dimension of complex dynamics of the Islamist movements like the Palestinian Hamas. For them, martyrdom is only one moment, the climax, which requires leading the whole life as a responsible believer in the first place. In this sense, martyrdom is a celebration of a meaningful life rather than death. This commitment of Hamas to the community, its radical understanding of the politics of the struggle, along with the particular socio-economic, and political situation in...

Cette étude vise à faire la lumière sur le discours politique du mouvement Hamas, dans le cadre d'une approche comparée critique qui s'appuie sur une méthodologie historique dans la recherche et l'analyse. Nous suivons le passage de ce Mouvement, aux références idéologiques religieuses islamistes, de l'opposition palestinienne au pouvoir. Nous essaierons d'atteindre les objectifs suivants :Décrire l'émergence et l'évolution de ce Mouvement, incarnation vivante des Frères musulmans en Palestine, ainsi que les circonstances et facteurs qui ont conduit à sa régression à certains moments de l'histoire et à sa montée en puissance à d'autres. Nous cherchons également à connaitre les racines de ce mouvement avant et après 1948 et jusqu'au déclenchement de l'Intifada en 1987.Identifier les facteurs qui influent sur les politiques et la prise de décision de ce Mouvement, notamment le facteur idéologique et partisan, étant donné qu'il fait partie intégrante du Mouvement international des Frères musulmans dont l'Islam est la référence idéologique et politique. Il existe également le facteur de l'action nationale palestinienne et les intérêts partisans qui lui ont imposé des visions et des positions pragmatiques. De plus, il convient d'analyser la division du leadership entre intérieur et extérieur et enfin l'influence extraordinaire de l'aile militaire dans la formulation des politiques et dans la prise de décision.Identifier les positions du mouvement Hamas vis-à-vis du système politique palestinien dans ses deux composantes - l'OLP et l'Autorité nationale palestinienne - mais aussi vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-palestinien et les options de règlement de celui-ci, et donc de sa position vis-à-vis du règlement politique, comparée aux positions de l'OLP et des autres factions palestiniennes. Cette étude cherche également à connaître la position du Hamas sur le principe de la libération de la Palestine et vis-à-vis des initiatives politiques de l'OLP et des Etats arabes, et celles des organisations ou des pays amis, comme la Conférence internationale, et à faire la lumière sur l'initiative politique du Hamas en comparaison avec les positions des autres forces.Identifier la relation entre le Hamas et les Frères musulmans et le degré d'autonomie dont jouit le Hamas dans le cadre de sa relation avec l'organisation mère, de caractère internationaliste. L'étude tente aussi d'étudier la nature de la relation de ce mouvement avec les organisations internationales, régionales et arabes, en particulier avec les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, l'Union européenne, la Russie, les autres pays de la région et de connaitre sa place dans les axes dans la région, notamment " l'axe de la résistance ", à la lumière de ses relations avec les pays arabes voisins de la Palestine (Egypte, Jordanie, Syrie et Liban) et ceux qui influent sur les politiques régionales et arabe en général, et l'Arabie Saoudite et l'Iran en particulier.Explorer l'expérience du Hamas dans sa transition de l'opposition au pouvoir et faire un parallèle avec l'expérience l'Islam politique, en particulier le mouvement des Frères musulmans, le courant salafiste jihadiste, Al-Qaïda, le Hezbollah libanais et enfin le Parti de la Justice et du développement turc, depuis sa création jusqu'à son accession au pouvoir.

This study discusses the relationship between the religious and the political in the thought and practice of the Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas in its struggle with Israel as it views it. It critically investigates the thought and the religious framework of the movement and its mother organization, the Muslim Brotherhood. It explores the overlap between the religious and/or the ideological dimensions of the theory and practice by revealing how Hamas draws inspiration from Islam, a framework it describes as "religious". It analyses the ground on which Hamas' ideological convictions are based, and how they developed. This is being done by attempting to understand the role of religion in the formulation of the convictions (i.e. ideology) of the Muslim Brotherhood – and therefore those of Hamas - in their comprehension of the conflict with Israel. This research has sought to fill a void in the context of studying the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas by trying to explain the mechanisms of religious and political interaction and the role this interaction has played in shaping the ideological convictions of the two movements in the context of their conflict with Israel. Reviewing the religious reference of Hamas helps us to understand that any change in one of Hamas' positions does not imply the abandonment of its religious reference, but rather a shift from one considerable Islamic fiqhi (jurisprudential) opinion to another. Thus, the thesis examines the accuracy of many of the Brotherhood's and Hamas' positions and ideological beliefs, as well as comparing them to the other authentic Islamic view points. The study further highlights in detail the impact of the movement's adaptation to fixed “religious” principles and their implementation within a set of complex situations, as presented by the current state of affairs in Palestine. Moreover, the research examines Hamas' application of the Prophetic and Islamic historical experiments, as they relate to the current conflict with Israel from the movement's point of view.

Darbe lyginami konkrečių valstybių – Palestinos ir Lietuvos radikalių politinių partijų lyderių įvaizdžiai ir bandydoma atrasti bendrybes bei skirtumus, regis, visiškai skirtingose plotmėse. Radikalių politinių partijų lyderių įvaizdžiai bus tyrinėjami pasitelkus rinkodaros (konkrečiai – reklamos ir viešųjų ryšių, kaip savęs pateikimo) ir semiotikos atskaitos taškus. Rinkodara apima tokias plačias sritis, kaip marketingas, reklama, viešieji ryšiai ir kt. Plačiai rinkodaros analizei reikia statistinių duomenų, apklausų, ekonominių rodiklių. Visų šių dalykų darbe atsisakyta, nes įrėminti partijų įvaizdžius skaičiais nėra autorės tikslas. Nagrinėjant konkrečių politinių partijų lyderių įvaizdžius naudota tik reklaminė, o dar tiksliau – viešųjų ryšių medžiaga, kuri įdėta į semiotinę plotmę. Tokių būdu tikimasi atskleisti lietuviškojo ir palestinietiškojo politikų įvaizdžio bendrybes ir skirtumus. Darbe keliama prielaida, kad pasirinktų organizacijų (vėliau išsirutuliojusių į partijas) „varomieji arkliukai“ yra labai konkrečios asmenybės, kurios didžiąja dalimi ir formuoja partijų, kaip tokių, įvaizdžius. Taigi, darbe partijų kuriami įvaizdžiai atskleidžiami per tris asmenybes – Rolando Pakso, Yassero Arafato ir šeicho Ahmedo Yasino. Pirmasis atstovauja partiją Tvarka ir teisingumas, antrasis – Fatah (arba Palestinos Išsivadavimo Organizacija), trečiasis – teroristine grupuote įvardijamą Hamas (arba Islamo Pasipriešinimo Judėjias). Darbe remiamasi prancūzų semiotiku Ericu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic... [to full text]

Šiame darbe nagrinėjama politinės liberalizacijos Vidurio Rytuose įtaka islamistinei Musulmonų Brolijos organizacijai. Aptariama islamizmo sąvoka, politinės liberalizacijos Vidurio Rytuose bruožai, rinkimų politikos principas Egipte, Jordanijoje ir Palestinos autonomijoje. Darbe analizuojamas Musulmonų Brolijos dalyvavimo politinėje liberalizacijoje ideologinis pagrindimas bei motyvacija, tiriamas pokytis Musulmonų Brolijos retorikoje ir veiksmuose iki dalyvavimo parlamento rinkimuose ir po jų, nagrinėjamas islamistų politinės programos turinys. Remiantis Musulmonų Brolijos pareiškimais ir politinėmis programomis, analizuojamas islamistų požiūris į islamiškosios teisės pritaikomumą modernioje politinėje sistemoje, požiūris į politinį pliuralizmą, politines ir asmens teises bei laisves, moterų padėtį, religines mažumas, smurto naudojimą. / The research paper examines whether electoral participation by Islamist political parties engender moderation in their politics. The case of the Muslim Brotherhood is analyzed since it is the biggest and most influential among islamist organizations in the Muslim world. The analysis is based on the islamists‘ approach towards the participation in general elections in Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian territories. The focus of this analysis is on the possible moderation on sensitive political issues, such as the implementation of the islamic law, the status of religious minorities, attitude towards the use of violence, political and personal rights and liberties.

Diploma thesis: Second Lebanon war versus the Gaza war-comparison of Israeli approach is focused on the last two wars Israel waged. In 2006, Israel waged a war against Hezbollah and in 2008/2009 against Hamas. This thesis is primarily focused on the Israeli side and is supposed to find out the main reason to its failure in Lebanon and its success in the Gaza strip. Out of three examined reasons: Israeli political and military decision-making, readiness of the Israeli army and preparations of both Hamas and Hezbollah for potential conflict. Effect based theory is used as a theoretical background in this thesis and helps to understand reasons to the Israeli failure in Lebanon

Since 1948 when Israel was created there have been many conflicts in the Middle East, specifically between Israel and Palestine, both claiming rights over territory. To reach peace and security, the EU has supported the two state solution. There have been many published studies on the EU's position before the commencement of the Israeli-Hamas conflict on October 7th, 2023. This study investigates how, if at all, the EU's position has changed between October 7th and January 1st, 2024, as well as how divided the EU is over the conflict's position. This was accomplished through the use of a qualitative desk study and approaches such as process tracing and text analysis. The thesis uses rational choice as a theoretical framework to follow the process of decision making, political alliances and moral dilemmas. The study argues that there has been a change in position. The EU shows more support for Israel and continues to treat Palestine as a threat to Western security. However, this is not only a consequence of the conflict, but could also be explained by the political changes in Europe. In the end, the support for the two-state solution remains as this continues to benefit EUs own security. This continues to position the EU as a rational actor, as well as it prioritizes its strategic relationship with Israel.

Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979 Iran has employed a deliberate and successful strategy centered around the use and support of various proxies, notably Hezbollah and Hamas who are part of the Iranian led Axis of Resistance. There is a vast literature that has studied different aspects of this Iranian proxy dimension, but relatively little research has been conducted on propaganda as a unifying mechanism. This thesis thus expanded upon the current literature through a content analysis of the propaganda produced by Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas in order to gain a fuller understanding of how cross-group cohesion has been achieved. The analysis incorporated social identity theory, and identified how the propaganda could be used in accordance with three theoretical dimensions: Identity constructions, Justification for Violence, and Weaponization of the ummah. The findings revealed how cross-group cohesion was achieved through the creation of a dichotomous worldview, consisting of an ingroup that is existentially threatened by an outgroup consisting of the West and Jews. Moreover, they use conspiratorial rhetoric combined with victimhood in order to frame the struggle as an ongoing religious war against Islam. The thesis concludes with a theoretical discussion on the normative assumptions that underpin the propaganda, arguing that the cross-group cohesion is dependent on the creation of shared identities based on victimhood, religious references, and the creation of shared external enemies.

Tez (Yüksek Lisans) - Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı, 2008. / Kaynakça var.