Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka hur unga med judisk tillhörighet upplever antisemitism på mikro- och makronivå för att uppnå en bättre förståelse för hur dagens antisemitism i Sverige påverkar individer med judisk religiös tillhörighet utifrån deras egna känslor kring ämnet. Det har använts semistrukturerade kvalitativa intervjuer med fem respondenter från Sveriges storstäder. Det transkriberade materialet har därefter analyserats utifrån kvalitativ innehållsanalys och kategoriserats samt tematiserats utifrån uttalade upplevelser och känslor av upplevelserna. Resultaten visade att respondenterna upplever en ökning i antisemitism. De menar också att det bör genomföras åtgärder för att öka kunskap om antisemitism i skolan samt att få ett större fokus på ämnet inom polismyndigheten. Arbete mot en större anmälningsbenägenhet bör också prioriteras enligt respondenterna. / The purpose of this study was to research how youth with Jewish affiliation experience antisemitism on both micro- and macro level, this to gain a greater understanding of how antisemitism affects religious jewish individuals based on their own feelings towards the subject. Semistructured qualitative interviews have been used for five respondents from the largest cities in Sweden. Afterwards, the transcribed material was analyzed with qualitative content analysis, and categorized and thematised based on expressed experiences and feelings towards the experiences. The results show that respondents feel an increase of antisemitism. They also believe that actions such as increase of knowlegde about antisemitism in schools and a greater focus on the subject at the police should be done. According to the respondents, work towards more people reporting to the police should be prioritized.

In this essay I am going to discuss the different forms of discrimination and disadvantages of immigrant employees in the Swedish labor market. By using policy analysis, the purpose is to study the policies that contain the guidelines of which discrimination laws and other directives about discrimination are presented. This work is going to study how discrimination and racism occur in the Swedish labor market and how the government counter the disadvantages by acting in the policies they have established. The results show that immigrant and foreign groups in the labor market have disadvantages because of the discriminatory structure that display the employers’ underestimation of these groups by acting on the prejudices and discriminations that these groups are affected by. Problems like ethnic occupational segregation, ethnic hierarchies, hate crime and mainly ethnic discrimination are all independent factors that leads to the disadvantages displayed on the immigrant groups in the Swedish labor market. Salaries and level of education are also determining how far one employee can succeed and be compared with the respective native Swedish employee. The conclusion is, based on the discriminations policies and guidelines, that immigrant groups of Sweden are having a lower salary and definitely not gaining same amount of salary despite the same education and qualifications attained. Worst case is for the black Swedes which have the lowest income compared to other immigrants and mostly to native Swedes. By the help of the government would the qualitative differences between these groups be less defined because of the government influence in form of multicultural projects and activities, which allow immigrants to be established firmly into the Swedish society and hopefully into the labor market

no / Verbal-textual hostility plays a significant role in victims¿ subjective perceptions of hatred and police officers¿ assessment of a hate crime. Yet, to date, the role of hate speech in hate crime has been largely uninterrogated. The aim of this research project is to assess and evaluate the forensic possibilities contained in a closer reading of the words used in hate crimes. Through a critical discourse analysis of incident characteristics and officers¿ narratives of incidents, this report maps out how key hate speech-text indicators may assist to better evaluate the force and effects of hate crimes. It is expected that this type of contextual analysis will lead to the development of more sophisticated risk assessment tools for use in frontline policing, and more targeted service-enhancements for victims of hate crimes.

No description available.

No / While terrorism has become a major topic of discussion and analysis in the academy and in the policy making of Australian institutions, it rarely affects the everyday life of Australian citizens. Yet for some groups, in terrorem is a way of life¿particularly for those whose lives are performed under social and political spotlights. At the core of the limitations imposed on certain groups in Australia is the use of language to police the behaviours of these groups, and to create a social environment that makes the hiding one¿s identity the most effective mechanism to avoid terror. In this paper, I analyse the linguistic themes and forms used in hate violence as way to illustrate the impact of in terrorem on gay men, lesbians and Jews, and suggest alternative means by which to regulate the harm caused by vilification.

This study sought to investigate the effect of state-level policies, pertaining to hate crimes and mental health care, on the association between sexual orientation and the prevalence of depression, suicidal ideation, suicide attempt, and bullying amongst adolescents. State-level policies included whether hate crime laws included sexual orientation as a protected category, and rates of follow-up care after hospital discharge amongst acutely mentally ill youth covered by public health insurance (Medicaid or the Children's Health Insurance Program; CHIP). Data were from the 2019 State-Level Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), completed by a representative sample (N = 153,215) of U.S. students in grades 9-12 across 44 states. The YRBS is one of the few population-based studies to gather sexual orientation data in a youth sample. Compared with living in states with hate crime laws extending protections to lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people, living in states without inclusive hate crime laws did not predict a significantly stronger association between LGB status and mental health. However, the association between LGB status and electronic (i.e., cyber) bullying was significantly greater in states with hate crime laws that excluded sexual orientation as a protected category than in states with inclusive hate crime laws. The association between LGB status and suicide attempt was significantly greater in states with lower rates of follow-up mental health care for acutely ill youth than in states with higher rates of follow-up care. This is the first known study to find an association between residing in a state with higher quality government-funded mental health care for acutely ill youth and reduced suicide attempt among LGB youth. These findings underscore the urgent need for state-level policies that increase legal protections and improve access to mental health care for sexual minority youth. / Doctor of Philosophy / This study investigated the relationship between state-level policies, mental health, and bullying among lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) high school students. State-level policies included whether hate crime laws included sexual orientation as a protected category, and rates of follow-up care after hospital discharge amongst severely mentally ill youth enrolled in Medicaid or the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP). Data were from the 2019 State-Level Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), completed by 153,215 U.S. students in grades 9-12 across 44 states. The YRBS is one of the few large studies to gather information about sexual orientation in a youth sample. Participants were more likely to be cyber-bullied if they lived in states that didn't include sexual orientation as a protected category. LGB high school students living in these states were at even greater risk of being cyber-bullied than their heterosexual peers. Youth residing in states with better follow-up care were less likely to attempt suicide. LGB youth living in states with worse follow-up care were at even greater risk of attempting suicide than their heterosexual peers. This is the first known study to find a relationship between residing in a state with higher quality government-funded mental health care and reduced suicide attempt among LGB youth. These findings underscore the urgent need for state-level policies that increase legal protections and improve access to mental health care for sexual minority youth.

I explore the relationships between hate group activity, community factors, and the likelihood of hate crime occurrence within a county area. I integrate considerations raised by Routine Activity and Social Control theorists as well as current hate crime literature to frame my concept of the hate manager, an agent of social control that utilizes hate crimes as a means of enacting extralegal self-help for hate groups. I explore the relationship between hate managers and hate crime by testing a model relating hate group activity and hate crime occurrences by location. Next, I correlate hate crime occurrences with hate group activity at the county level for the state of Virginia using public data. I find that a hate group's presence holds greater predictive power than nearly any other factor for hate crime likelihood. My findings illustrate the nature of hate crime as a means of social control; whereby hate groups act as a parochial order and maintain hierarchical relations between offenders and victims through means of disciplinary crimes. I conclude by outlining suggestions for future research into the role of the hate manager. / Master of Science / In my thesis, I ask the question of how hate groups methodically encourage where hate crimes occur. I do this by creating the concept of the hate manager. Hate managers are figures which influence would-be criminals into their illegal acts. They do this by stoking the fears necessary for them to act outside legal boundaries in reaction to some feeling of threat, an act known as self-help. Hate crimes, I argue, are a form of self-help where the feeling of threat is directed towards individuals belonging to some marginalized group. By looking at data collected by various agencies in the state of Virginia, I discover that the presence of a hate group in a county is a stronger predictor for such acts than any other factor for hate crime likelihood. By doing so, I demonstrate that hate crimes are a form of social control. That is, I argue that hate groups maintain a sense of order or ranking by means of illegal and disciplinary self-help in the form of hate crimes. I conclude my thesis by outlining suggestions for future exploration of the hate manager’s role.

The present paper is part of a project carried on by the Swedish Section of the International Commission of Jurists. Sweden has ratified several major international human rights instruments. Most of the rights are covered by national law, and only in exception is there a discrepancy between national and international law. Such a discrepancy is found in the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, in which the State parties agree on penalizing and prohibiting the founding of and participation in racist organizations. Sweden is not complying with this statute, despite the fact that the government has ratified the convention. The Swedish government states that national laws prohibit the activities of these organizations, and therefore it is not necessary to reform the legislation. The National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet) presents an annual report on hate crime in Sweden. Between the years 2005 and 2009 the number of reported hate crimes almost doubled. To some point the increase can be explained by a widened definition of hate crime, but the reports have increased in real terms as well. The Swedish government is combating human rights violations, and the long term objective is to ensure full respect for human rights. Critique raised against Sweden in international reviewing institutions indicates that Sweden has some ground to cover before reaching such an objective. Most of the presented critique concerns the non-existing ban of racist organizations, increased reports of hate crime as well as racist influences within Swedish politics and society as such. Prohibiting racist organizations constitutes limitations in the freedom of expression and the freedom of association. Ever since Sweden incorporated the European convention for the Protection of Human Rights, freedom of expression has been given a unique position within the national legal system. This position is strengthened even further through different judgments in the Swedish Supreme Court, in cases on agitation. The questions raised in this paper are consequently: Is it possible to ensure full respect for human rights, or can you only come near such an ensuring? Does Sweden live up to its international obligations? How does the Swedish government weigh the different rights against each other? Should the rights be differently balanced? The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to establish Sweden’s international obligations, to highlight the possibility of limitations in the freedom of expression and to look at the occurrence of and legislations against hate crime. / Uppsatsen utgör en del av projektet "Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation" som drivs av Internationella Juristkommissionen - Svenska avdelningen. / Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation

Fear of Crime remains a relevant theme in criminological research. Its associations include damage to psychological well-being, decreases in collective cohesion and trust, and populism. Located in the field of victimology, previous research found that significant predictors for Fear of Crime are: Previous Victimization, Previous Victimization with a Hate-Motive, Severity of Previous Victimization, Perceived Risk and Risk Control. This study will aim to investigate if the dynamics of Fear of Crime established by previous research are applicable in a LGBT population. Subsequently the sub-groups sexual minorities, bisexuals, and trans-people are compared, filling a literature gap. The sample consists of 353 self-identified LGBT people at Malmö University who filled out a self-report survey inquiring about previous victimization, fear of crime, perceived motives of previous victimization, perceived risk of victimization, and tactics to reduce risk of victimization. The predictors were entered into a block-wise multiple regression model as well as a path-analysis. Both Perceived Risk and Risk Control were entered after the other predictors. The results showed that Severity of Previous Victimization was significantly (p < .001) and positively (β = .267) predicting Fear of Crime. Additionally, Severity of Previous Victimization significantly (p < .01) and positively (β = .206) predicted Perceived Risk which in turn predicted (p < .001, β = .208) Fear of Crime. Risk Control did not have a statistically significant effect size (p > .05). In the sub-group comparison, Perceived Risk did not have a significant effect size (p > .05) among the trans-people. The study concludes that Severity of Previous Victimization both has a direct and indirect effect on Fear of Crime, in the LGBT population, but not among the trans-people sub-group, suggesting that future research as well as policy makers need to take such differences into account. Similar conclusions are drawn regarding Risk Control.

Hate crime and men’s violence against women are two well-recognised and highly prioritised human rights phenomena in both international and local contexts. Yet, the idea of linking the two phenomena together has received very limited support. As a series of lethal acts of Incel- violence – violence characterised by misogynistic motives and an alt-right ideology of male supremacy – have taken place globally in recent years, a discussion on the region of the human rights spectrum where gendered violence and hate crime legislation overlap is more relevant than ever. Thus, this study’s overarching purpose is to – through a comparative analysis of studies on hate crime and men’s violence against women from the United States, the United Kingdom, and Sweden – investigate the definition of hate crime and its scope in relation to gendered violence with a primary objective of identifying factors that explain why violent crimes against women motivated by misogynistic principles are rarely, if ever, recognised as hate crimes. By drawing on explanatory models of normalisation and theories on power relations, the practice of othering, the male norm and the norm of masculinity, and gendered spheres, the study sets out to evaluate a thesis that suggests that the infrequent inclusion of violent crimes with female victims in the legal and general perception of hate crime can be at least partially explained with reference to the normalisation of male violence against women, and the traditional expectation and assumption that violence against women is rooted in personal, emotional conflicts rather than impersonal hate motives. The analysis initially explores how the gender category is positioned within the legal phenomenon of hate crime by looking at a generalised criteria for hate crime, the normative view on hate crime victims, the reporting and statistics of hate crime, and arguments for and against the inclusion of a gender category in legal statues on bias crimes. The analysis then moves on to analyse three different categories of violence against women – domestic abuse, sexual assault and rape, and Incel-violence – in relation to gendered power dynamics and norms. The study’s results show that even though motives of hate can be linked to different forms of gendered violence, the traditional understanding of what constitutes a hate crime and a hate crime victim along with stereotypical assumptions on what male-on-female violence looks like, makes men’s violence against women appear incompatible with the hate crime phenomenon even in situations when cases of gendered violence actually fit into the generalised hate crime criteria that legal authorities and the public accept as the definition of a hate crime.