Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-05-10T12:55:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Denis Augusto Carneiro Lobo.pdf: 2377689 bytes, checksum: ec66c81fcf1d6584b5311171b0eae5c2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-10T12:55:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Denis Augusto Carneiro Lobo.pdf: 2377689 bytes, checksum: ec66c81fcf1d6584b5311171b0eae5c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This master’s thesis analyses the constitution of the so-called Hate Speech in Digital Social Networks (DSNs), specifically, on Facebook. Starting from users’ text interactions in public Facebook pages of the 2014 presidential candidates Dilma Rousseff (Workers Party) and Aécio Neves (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) during the presidential run (August to October 2014), I’ve searched for the characterization of this phenomena within a political-party polarization scenario. Focusing in the political constitution of the referred phenomena, I’ve then evidenced the difference between the legal concept of Hate Speech and a more widespread phenomena, which worked in this scenario as a political component of the social interactions: the political hate. Furthermore, the debate gets centralized in the mediation process of social interactions in an Instant Communication Technology (ICTs) scenario, in search of a confluence with the Latin American studies about the process of technological and communicational mediation, its diferences and implications in an Interactional Sociology. Finally, having analysed such studies as a theorical and methodological background, I've presented a discussion about the importance of the new computational techniques such as "filter bubbles", "social bots" and User Experience (UX) in the daily life of today's liberal democracies, leading the debate to the establishment of "fear techniques", clearly an expression of the so-called "Fear Culture", to which many authors refeer today / Esta dissertação analisou a constituição do chamado Discurso de Ódio nas Redes Sociais Digitais (RSDs), mais especificamente no Facebook. Partindo das interações textuais dos usuários nas páginas públicas dos candidatos à Presidência da República no ano de 2014, Dilma Rousseff (PT) e Aécio Neves (PSDB), durante o pleito eleitoral (agosto a outubro de 2014), buscou-se a caracterização desse fenômeno dentro de um cenário de polarização político-partidária. Voltando o olhar para a constituição política do fenômeno em questão, buscou-se a diferenciação da figura jurídica do Discurso de Ódio de um fenômeno mais capilar, que funcionou como componente político das interações societárias nesse cenário: o ódio político. Além disso, centralizamos o debate nas interações sociais e na mediação das Tecnologias de Comunicação Instantânea (TCIs), buscando uma confluência com o pensamento latino-americano sobre os processos de mediação tecnológica e comunicacional e suas diferenciações e implicações em uma Sociologia Interacionista. Buscou-se também, a partir desse arcabouço teórico-metodológico, discutir os pesos das novas técnicas computacionais, como a “bolha de filtros”, os “social bots”, “fake news” e as técnicas de User Experience (UX) no cotidiano das democracias liberais atuais, direcionando o debate para o estabelecimento de “técnicas do medo”, visivelmente assentados na chamada “Cultura do Medo”, a qual muitos pesquisadores recorrem na atualidade

In 1998, the Manhattan Theatre Club’s staging of Terrence McNally’s play Corpus Christi ignited protest and virulent condemnation from various religious and politically conservative groups which eventually led to the cancellation of the play’s production. This led to a barrage of criticism from the national theatre, gay, and civil rights communities and free speech advocates, including the ACLU and PEN, which issued a press releases about the cancellation that decried censorship and acquiescence by the theatre to neo-conservative religiously political groups. As swiftly as the cancellation, the Manhattan Theatre Club reversed its decision and the show resumed its rehearsal schedule. Although the critical reception of the play was mostly negative, the political controversy surrounding its production testifies to the fact that a contemporary play in America dealing with both religious and gay themes is still economically risky, radical politically, and worthy of critical rhetorical analysis. This work aims to fill that gap by providing an in-depth investigation of the tangled rhetorical history of Corpus Christi. First providing an account of the controversy surrounding the 1998 production of Corpus Christi, this work then gives a historical and cultural analysis of McNally’s career and corpus of work leading up to the play’s contentious staging. Second, a full account of the play’s critical reception is given through a close analysis of the rhetorical responses to the work from the Christian Right and the more secular community that supported the play’s production. Third, the American Christian Right’s vitriolic rhetorical response to the play is indicted as homophobic hate speech. Fourth, how McNally’s play repudiates the rhetorical violence perpetrated by the Right against gays is revealed. Finally, the last two chapters examine how the rhetoric of the play speaks directly to its queer audience. Chapter five reveals the rhetorical and meta-theatrical conversion strategies employed by McNally in Corpus Christi to proselytize his expansive message of Christ to his gay audience. Ending the work, chapter six examines McNally’s rhetorical reclamation of the Christ figure from the Right as a means of sacralizing homosexuality as a religious identity and homosexual love and sex as a spiritual act.

It is growing the support to the theory that considers the necessary connection among Right and Moral, particularly when we spoke about the Fundamental Human Rights - while an ideal to be reached by all the people and for all the nations. The existence of other values is discussed for the validity of the juridical system, referring to the doubts up to where it can the moral precepts to influence of the juridical system. The present work search to study the existent dialogue between the moral norms and the juridical norms, besides the use of the moral precepts as instrument for limitation of the fundamental right to the freedom of expression, with relationship to the popularization of the speech of the hate. The systems juridical North American and German present very different solutions for cases in what the ideas racists' manifestation, prejudices and hostile to certain groups, due to race, color, religion, sex, etc. Though, as the Brazilian treatment is revealed for such a such delicate subject in a concrete way? In fact, it is making the analysis of the judgment of HC nº 82.424- 2/RS in the Supreme Federal Tribunal that she intend to verify the ministers they are used of moral arguments to limit the right to the freedom of expression and if such restrictions are legitimate, after all, if on a side we have the protection to the human dignity, not being " morally acceptable " the hostile speech and prejudice against groups of minorities, as it happened with the Jewish community, on another side, we would also have the freedom of manifesting opinions and of possessing certain ideology. In that sense, is a conciliation possible? It is in the investigation of the philosophical currents, doctrines, in the compared right and in the votes of the ministers of the Supreme Federal Tribunal that it'll look for to clear the treatment of the referred constitutional rights. / É crescente o apoio à teoria que considera a ligação necessária entre Direito e Moral, particularmente quando falamos dos Direitos Humanos Fundamentais – enquanto um ideal a ser atingido por todos os povos e por todas as nações. Discute-se a existência de valores suprapositivos necessários para a validade do ordenamento jurídico, rementendo aos questionamentos até onde pode os preceitos morais influir do ordenamento jurídico. O presente trabalho busca estudar o diálogo existente entre as normas morais e as normas jurídicas, além da utilização dos ditames morais como instrumento para limitação do direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão, quanto à divulgação do discurso do ódio. Os sistemas jurídicos norte-americano e alemão apresentam soluções muito diferentes para casos em que se discute a manifestação de ideias racistas, discriminatórias e hostis a determinados grupos, por conta de raça, cor, religião, sexo, etc. Todavia, como se revela o tratamento brasileiro para tal assunto tão delicado de modo concreto? De fato, é fazendo a análise do julgamento do HC nº 82.424-2/RS no Supremo Tribunal Federal que se pretende verificar se os ministros se utilizam de argumentos morais para limitar o direito à liberdade de expressão e se tais restrições são legítimas, afinal, se de um lado temos a proteção à dignidade humana, não sendo “moralmente aceitável” o discurso hostil e preconceituoso contra grupos de minorias, como ocorreu com a comunidade judaica, de outro lado, também teríamos a liberdade de manifestar opiniões e de possuir certa ideologia. Nesse sentido, é possível uma conciliação? É na investigação das correntes filosóficas, doutrinárias, no direito comparado e nos votos dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal que se buscará esclarecer o tratamento dos referidos direitos constitucionais. .

With the increase and popularity of the use of internet, hate speech has reached wider dimensions in societies. This thesis will provide empirical examples to show the relation between speech and actions. This paper will use speech-act theory and social movement theory to portray the relation between hate speech on social media and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremist. Even though, there has been a lot of work for counter terrorism, domestic terrorism is still overlooked. Empirical sources say that domestic terrorism poses a threat as much as international terrorism. This thesis will bring light over the connections of hate speech and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremists. It will conclude that there is an evident relation that hate speech on social media is contributing to domestic terrorism actions encouraged by far right extremism.

Verbal hate speech and the legitimacy of its criminal punishment Hate speech has been enjoying an elevated level of media attention in the last few years. These biased expressions of hate - most often verbal - targeted against specific groups of people are a manifestation of social antagonisms and as such, disturb public order and coexistence of people; furthermore, they are often associated with issues of prejudice, bias-motivated violence, xenophobia, discrimination, and extremism. Criminal punishment of this type of expression is already possible today and it can be reasonably expected to become increasingly important. The purpose of this thesis is a critical review concerning the legitimacy of criminal punishment of verbal hate speech in the Czech Republic, including identification of troublesome elements of the current legislation. Conclusions of this review shall stem primarily from the legal analysis of constituent elements of relevant crimes, commentary literature, jurisprudence and legal literature related to the topic. The first chapter aims to explain the central concepts - hate speech, verbal hate speech and the relationship between them. A closer look is given to the phenomenon which links these concepts together and, at the same time, constitutes an inherent part of them both: biased...

Hate Speech in den sozialen Medien ist heute ein stark diskutiertes und akutes Thema. Im Jahr 2016 wurde von der EU-Kommission der Verhaltenskodex zur Bekämpfung illegaler Hassreden im Internet eingeführt und 2017 in Deutschland das Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz (NetzDG) gegen Hate Speech im Internet beschlossen. Im russisch-ukrainischen Konflikt (seit 2014) ist Hate Speech zu einer der grundlegenden Komponenten geworden. Diese Tatsache hat die ohnehin angespannte Situation weiter verschärft. Internet Memes lassen sich dabei als eine neue Form der Konfliktkommunikation und der Visualisierung von Hate Speech feststellen. Mit Hilfe dieses jungen multimodalen Phänomens werden Beleidigungen gegen eine soziale Gruppe oder sogar ein ganzes Volk verbreitet. Trotz der Tatsache, dass Wissenschaftler:innen in letzter Zeit der Internet-Meme-Forschung viel Beachtung schenken und dieses Phänomen sich im schnellen Entwicklungstrend befindet, sind die Rolle, Funktionen und verbal-visuellen Merkmale von multimodalen Internet-Memes im russisch-ukrainischen Konflikt bisher nicht umfassend untersucht worden. Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert und systematisiert die bestehende Forschung im Bereich der Internet-Memes und Hate Speech und zeigt am Beispiel des Konflikts zwischen der Ukraine und Russland, wie Internet-Memes nicht nur Hate Speech visualisieren, sondern auch eine Weltanschauung formen, neue Konzepte und neue Stereotype bilden und die Alten widerspiegeln. Diese Dissertation ist zum einen als Beitrag zur methodischen Ausdifferenzierung der Hate-Speech-Memes zu verstehen, was das linguistische und interdisziplinäre Forschungsfeld weiter vorantreiben kann. Zum anderen ermöglicht sie, die Beziehungen zwischen der Ukraine und Russland sowie die Ursachen des Konflikts zu begreifen. Die in dieser Arbeit beschriebenen und analysierten verbal-visuellen Merkmale der Internet-Memes des Konflikts bilden ein Instrumentarium für die weitere Erforschung dieses relativ jungen Phänomens sowie der russisch-ukrainischen Konfrontation.:Vorwort 3 1 Einleitung 8 1.1 Problemstellung und Zielsetzung 8 1.2 Struktur der Arbeit 11 1.3 Methodik und Korpus 12 1.4 Anmerkung zu Datenschutz, Transliteration und Übersetzungen 13 2 Theoretisch-historische Hintergründe 15 2.1 Hate-Speech des Konflikts als Forschungsobjekt 15 2.1.1 Der Begriff Hate Speech 15 2.1.1.1 Linguistischer Aspekt 15 2.1.1.2 Gesetzlicher Aspekt 19 2.1.2 Hate Speech und Medien 20 2.1.3 Hate Speech und Internet 22 2.1.4 Rechtvorschriften der Ukraine und Russlands in Bezug auf Hate Speech 23 2.1.5 Klassifikation von Hate Speech 24 2.1.6 Visualisierung von Hate Speech 26 2.2 Internet-Memes als Untersuchungsgegenstand 27 2.2.1 Von Memen zu Internet-Memes 27 2.2.2 Internet-Memes 29 2.2.3 Internet-Memes-Definition 31 2.2.3.1 Kultur- und kommunikationswissenschaftliche Perspektive 31 2.2.3.2 Linguistische Perspektive 32 2.2.4 Internet-Memes als multimodale Form: Definitionsschwierigkeit 33 2.2.4.1 Internet-Memes als Sprache-Bild-Texte 34 2.2.4.2 Internet-Memes als kreolisierte Texte 35 2.2.4.3 Arbeitsdefinition für Internet-Memes 35 2.2.4.4 Merkmale von multimodalen Internet-Memes 37 2.2.5 Funktionen von Internet-Memes 39 2.2.6 Typen von Internet-Memes 41 2.2.6.1 Image-Macros 43 2.2.6.2 Demotivatoren 45 2.2.7 Internet-Memes und andere multimodale Formen: Plakat, Karikatur 46 2.2.7.1 Internet-Memes und politische Karikatur 46 2.2.7.2 Internet-Memes und politisches Plakat 47 3 Visualisierung von Hate Speech im russisch-ukrainischen Konflikt 48 3.1 Konflikt vs. Krieg 48 3.2 Internet-Memes und Kulturwissenschaftliche Linguistik 55 3.3 Identität-Sprache-Stereotyp 56 3.4 Historischer Exkurs: Auseinandersetzung der Ukraine und Russland 62 3.4.1 Sprachenpolitik und Identitätsbildung in der Ukraine nach 1990 62 3.4.2 Zerfall der Sowjetunion und Russische Identitätsbildung 68 3.4.3 Geschichtsinterpretation von verschiedenen Perioden in der Ukraine und Russland 71 3.4.4 „Euromajdan“ als Wendepunkt 81 3.5 Stereotype als Basis für Hate Speech 86 3.5.1 Ethnostereotype 88 3.5.2 Ethnostereotype von Ukrainern 89 3.5.3 Ethnostereotype von Russen 96 3.6 Hate Speech des russisch-ukrainischen Konflikts 100 3.6.1 Neologismen nach dem „Majdan“ 101 3.6.2 Arten der Bildung von Neologismen 104 3.7 Hate-Speech-Memes 106 3.7.1 Stand der Forschung 106 3.7.2 Internet-Memes als aggressive multimodale Argumentation 111 3.7.3 Internet-Memes als Propagandamittel 112 4 Empirische Untersuchungen 117 4.1 Das Korpus der Internet-Memes 117 4.2 Hate-Speech-Liste 120 4.3 Intoleranzgrad der Internet-Memes 121 4.4 Erste Untersuchung: Textextraktion 123 4.5 Zweite Untersuchung: Internet-Memes-Analyse 128 4.5.1 Klassifikation von Internet-Memes des Konflikts 131 4.5.1.1 Historische Internet-Memes 132 4.5.1.1.1 Banderovсy (бандеровцы) 132 4.5.1.1.2 Rašyzm (рашизм) 145 4.5.1.2 Ethnostereotypische Internet-Memes 153 4.5.1.2.1 Chochol (хохол) 153 4.5.1.2.2 Kacap (кацап) 164 4.5.1.2.3 Moskal᾽ (москаль) 169 4.5.1.3 Neugebildete Internet-Memes 180 4.5.1.3.1 Vatnik(i) (ватник) 180 4.5.1.3.2 Vyšivatnik(i) (вышиватник) 186 4.5.1.3.3 Kolorad(y) (колорад) 191 4.5.1.3.4 Ukrop(y) (укроп) 199 4.5.1.3.5 Ukr(y) (укр) 205 4.5.1.3.6 Majdaun(y) (майдаун) 215 4.5.1.3.7 Daunbas (даунбас) 219 4.5.1.3.8 Lugandon (лугандон) 224 4.5.1.3.9 Federast(y) (федeраст) 230 4.6 Verbal-visuelle Besonderheiten der Hate-Speech-Memes des Konflikts 235 5 Schlussbetrachtungen und Ausblick 279 Literatur 283 Abbildungsverzeichnis 320 Tabellenverzeichnis 325 Akürzungsverzeichnis 326 Analysierte Internet-Memes (Beschreibung und Quelle) 327 Analysierte Internet-Memes (Bilder) 349

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As our lives become more and more digital, our exposure to certain phenomena increases, one of which is hate speech. Thus, automatic hate speech identification is needed. This thesis explores three strategies for hate speech detection for cross­-domain scenarios: using a model trained on annotated data for a previous domain, a model trained on data from a novel methodology of automatic data derivation (with cross­-domain scenarios in mind), and using ChatGPT as a domain-­agnostic classifier. Results showed that cross-­domain scenarios remain a challenge for hate speech detection, results which are discussed out of both technical and ethical considera­tions. / I takt med att våra liv blir allt mer digitala ökar vår exponering för vissa fenomen, varav ett är näthat. Därför behövs automatisk identifikation av näthat. Denna uppsats utforskar tre strategier för att upptäcka hatretorik för korsdomänscenarion: att använda inferenserna av en modell trä­nad på annoterad data för en tidigare domän, att använda inferenserna av en modell tränad på data från en ny metodologi för automatisk dataderivatisering som föreslås (för denna avhandling), samt att använda ChatGPT som klassifierare. Resultaten visade att korsdomänscenarion fort­farande utgör en utmaning för upptäckt av näthat, resultat som diskuteras utifrån både tekniska och etiska överväganden.

<p>This dissertation is a collection of three papers. Each paper constitutes a chapter. Each chapter empirically examines an aspect of bias-motivated behavior in the United States. </p> <p>The first chapter studies the impact of penalty enhancement statutes by state legislatures on the incidence of hate crimes in the United States. Penalty enhancements may deter crime, however, the passing of such laws may also increase awareness among law enforcement officials and increase arrests. Using administrative data on hate crimes and a difference-in-differences method that leverages state-level variation in the introduction of legislation, this paper does not find a significant effect of the state enactment of penalty enhancement statutes on hate-crime incidence rates. </p> <p>The second chapter examines whether election timing and election outcomes affect the incidence of crimes motivated by hate and intolerance. Using administrative data and a difference-in-differences design that compares election with non-election years, I show that hate crimes increase by an average of 28 percent in the three weeks around a US presidential election. This effect is larger in recent presidential elections and when there is no incumbent candidate. Second, using a similar design and cross-state variation in the timing of gubernatorial elections, I find no evidence that these state-level elections affect hate-crime incidence. Third, using regression-discontinuity designs based on vote counts, I find that the number of hate crimes is not affected by presidential or gubernatorial election outcomes. </p> <p>The third chapter studies the impact of presidential and gubernatorial election timing on the level of toxicity present on social media platforms such as Twitter. Together with Sameer Borwankar, I empirically determine the extent to which the toxicity of Twitter content changes during election times as compared to non-election times. We randomly sample Twitter users and collect all tweets made by this sample around election time. We use a difference-in-differences identification leveraging election and non-election years. We further focus on toxic content that is motivated by political polarization and examine various bias-motivation categories that come up in this content as well as the variation in the intensity of toxicity between national and local election times.  </p> <p><br></p>

no / This paper analyses the verbal and textual hostility employed by rioters, politicians and the media in Sydney (Australia) in December 2005 in the battle over Sutherland Shire¿s Cronulla Beach. By better understanding the linguistic conventions underlying all forms of maledictive hate, we are better able to address the false antimonies between free speech and the regulation of speech. It is also argued that understanding the harms of hate speech provides us with the tools necessary to create a more responsive framework for criminalising some forms of hate speech as a preliminary process in reducing or eliminating hate violence.