This essay explores the phenomenological features of the passional response to evil that Aquinas calls 'hatred of sin' in Summa Thelogiae II-II Q34 A3 and I-II Q23 A1, among other places. Social justice concerns and philosophical objections, however, challenge the notion that one can feel hatred toward an agent's vice or sin without it being the agent who is hated. I argue that a careful, contextual reading of these texts shows that Aquinas cannot be read as commending 'hate' in any form. The texts under consideration offer no comfort to those who appeal to hatred of sin or vice to legitimate sentiments or actions that can be reasonably taken to express hatred of persons.

This essay explores the phenomenological features of the passional response to evil that Aquinas calls 'hatred of sin' in Summa Thelogiae II-II Q34 A3 and I-II Q23 A1, among other places. Social justice concerns and philosophical objections, however, challenge the notion that one can feel hatred toward an agent's vice or sin without it being the agent who is hated. I argue that a careful, contextual reading of these texts shows that Aquinas cannot be read as commending 'hate' in any form. The texts under consideration offer no comfort to those who appeal to hatred of sin or vice to legitimate sentiments or actions that can be reasonably taken to express hatred of persons.

In recent years, there have been many debates about fat female bodies in the media. Fat women are often associated with moral failure, laziness and stupidity. Women’s fat bodies are loaded with negative meanings because of dominant negative attitudes. These attitudes tells fat women that they need to change their bodies, in order to fit in a society where beauty standards are characterized with certain ideals around skinnyness. In this study, i will show how fat female bodies are being discussed on Flashback forum. I’m using a gender and intersectionalitative perspective. Anti-feminists uses Flashback forum to express sexist, homophobic and racist comments about different authors of feminist and body-positive blogs. These feminist bloggers are questioning the oppression that fat women faces in their everyday lives, and they wan’t to make all bodies visable by countering prejudice about fat female bodies. When does Flashback take threats against female feminist bloggers seriously?

<p>Abstract</p><p>This essay begins with a presentation of the complex set of problems which relate to the interaction between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference (BrB 16:8, incitement to racial hatred). Can conflicts arise between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination? To shed light on this question, we have chosen to look at the issue from a new perspective. This perspective is based on the new challenges faced by Swedish society as a result of the changed composition of our population, our membership in the EU and our acknowledgment of certain international conventions concerning human rights.</p><p>Fifty years ago our population almost solely comprised of “native Swedes”. Today, because of massive immigration, our country can be described as multiracial and multicultural. This gives rise to questions concerning protecting minority groups from discrimination whilst also attempting to ensure that the non-discrimination acts do not compromise our freedom of speech. Our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions means that European law and international law sometimes override Swedish law. This restricts our freedom to decide the extent of our non-discrimination statutes, but can have positive effects on the right to freedom of speech and religion.</p><p>The arguments that are put forward in our essay may give rise to many questions but we will focus on two major issues. First, where does the law draw the line between the freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference? Second, are there inherit flaws in the law as a result of both the inner changes our society has gone through and our new responsibilities due to our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions?</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to answer these questions through studying and reflecting on the theory of law (doctrine). We will also analyse the existing written law and its sources, and consider court rulings and related judicial decisions. This analysis will enable us to make the following conclusion concerning the previously mentioned questions.</p><p>The freedom of speech is extensive and is not explicitly defined. Without explicit definition, no specific statements automatically become illegal. Therefore a person's freedom to express his own opinion in public is wide-ranging. Unfortunately our freedom of speech is not guaranteed for ever and therefore we have to both treasure and guard it from potential threats. Popular public opinion, populist interests or other specific interests may seek changes, which might effect our freedom of speech. The ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference is a specific interest of this kind. The purpose of this ban is based solely on good intentions. None the less, this ban could be a wolf in sheep’s clothing, as it might have a negative influence on the freedom of speech. When two justifiable causes come into conflict with one another – in this case the freedom of speech versus non-discrimination – a society must make difficult choices. Do we sacrifice part of our freedom of speech which will effect the whole population in order to protect minority groups, or do we sacrifice the rights of the minority in order to secure freedom of speech for all?</p><p>During the last few years there has been an increase in Nazi-organisations in Sweden, which have grown strong in terms of both the number of their supporters and the amount of attention which is paid to them by the press. These groups have used our democratic rights – which includes our freedom of speech – in order to spread their scornful opinions based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference. Through our study of court rulings concerning Nazis, we came to the conclusion that there is a strong tendency to convict Nazis. This is certainly the case if they call out “Sieg Heil” or salute Hitler. They are also often convicted if they are wearing the Nazi cross.</p><p>When the courts find that they are unable to convict a Nazi for the actions just mentioned, they often base their judgement on either one or two premises. If the prosecutor can not prove that it has been the Nazi's intention to spread a scornful message concerning a group defined by it's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference, he can not be convicted with reference to the non-discrimination act (uppsåtsrekvisitet). Moreover, if it can not be proven that the message has reached a considerable number of people and not just the Nazis private sphere, this also warrants the verdict of acquittal (spridningsrekvisitet). From our study of court rulings however, we found that the non-discrimination statute does fulfil its purpose. Most scornful or hate-filled messages are in fact disseminated to the wider public. This being the case, the Nazi is almost certain to be convicted.</p><p>Religious fundamentalism is not something entirely new in our society. Sweden has always had a few religious groups free from the state church and the members of the free churches have often held conservative religious beliefs, much like some Muslim movements today. Freedom of speech and religious freedom are of course two important elements of any democratic society, but through a court case concerning a Christian priest in a free church, the freedom of speech related to preaching has arguably become unacceptably extensive. In effect this court case means that as long as you can relate your scornful statement about a specific group included in the non-discrimination statute to a religious scripture like the Bible or the Koran, you can not be prosecuted.</p><p>This somewhat unsatisfactory conclusion is a result of Sweden adopting the European Convention of Human Rights. In this case the European Rights Law overrides the Swedish non-discrimination law and this leads to a flaw in our legal system relating to the protection of certain minority groups. It must be mentioned, however, that the European Convention of Human Rights is part of Swedish law, and therefore Swedish law can not contradict European law, RF 2:23. Given that we are bound by the European Rights Law, there is nothing Sweden can do about this flaw, which in the future might have even greater consequences in and on our multicultural society. For instance, what would happen if messages filled with hatred were spread by priests from the Christian free churches and fundamentalist Muslims. If these statements concerned the other group and the origin of the statements could be traced to the Bible and the Koran, the courts would have no way of convicting the preachers as this would go against the European Convention on Human Rights. This could result in serious social instability. Indeed, riots could break out as a result of such religious propaganda. The law would be powerless to halt the dissemination of the religious scorn which caused the riots.</p><p>We have come to three conclusions concerning intrinsic flaws in the law concerning the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference. We therefore recommend that the following changes should be made:</p><p>1. Concerning BrB 16:8, this act should include an unmistakable and transparent definition of the word “missaktning” (scornfulness or disrespect).</p><p>2. With reference to the High Court’s ruling regarding the priest and the European Convention on Human Rights, we recommend that Sweden should attempt to find a legal solution which will enable our courts to more easily convict scornful statements regarding certain minority groups, even if the origin of the statement can be traced to religious writings.</p><p>3. With reference to the instruction in the Freedom of Press Act (TF 1:4), we find it necessary to clarify which statements that can be looked upon as legal and which statements are unlawful.</p>

Abstract This essay begins with a presentation of the complex set of problems which relate to the interaction between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference (BrB 16:8, incitement to racial hatred). Can conflicts arise between freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination? To shed light on this question, we have chosen to look at the issue from a new perspective. This perspective is based on the new challenges faced by Swedish society as a result of the changed composition of our population, our membership in the EU and our acknowledgment of certain international conventions concerning human rights. Fifty years ago our population almost solely comprised of “native Swedes”. Today, because of massive immigration, our country can be described as multiracial and multicultural. This gives rise to questions concerning protecting minority groups from discrimination whilst also attempting to ensure that the non-discrimination acts do not compromise our freedom of speech. Our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions means that European law and international law sometimes override Swedish law. This restricts our freedom to decide the extent of our non-discrimination statutes, but can have positive effects on the right to freedom of speech and religion. The arguments that are put forward in our essay may give rise to many questions but we will focus on two major issues. First, where does the law draw the line between the freedom of speech and the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference? Second, are there inherit flaws in the law as a result of both the inner changes our society has gone through and our new responsibilities due to our membership in the EU and our acknowledgement of certain international conventions? The purpose of this essay is to answer these questions through studying and reflecting on the theory of law (doctrine). We will also analyse the existing written law and its sources, and consider court rulings and related judicial decisions. This analysis will enable us to make the following conclusion concerning the previously mentioned questions. The freedom of speech is extensive and is not explicitly defined. Without explicit definition, no specific statements automatically become illegal. Therefore a person's freedom to express his own opinion in public is wide-ranging. Unfortunately our freedom of speech is not guaranteed for ever and therefore we have to both treasure and guard it from potential threats. Popular public opinion, populist interests or other specific interests may seek changes, which might effect our freedom of speech. The ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference is a specific interest of this kind. The purpose of this ban is based solely on good intentions. None the less, this ban could be a wolf in sheep’s clothing, as it might have a negative influence on the freedom of speech. When two justifiable causes come into conflict with one another – in this case the freedom of speech versus non-discrimination – a society must make difficult choices. Do we sacrifice part of our freedom of speech which will effect the whole population in order to protect minority groups, or do we sacrifice the rights of the minority in order to secure freedom of speech for all? During the last few years there has been an increase in Nazi-organisations in Sweden, which have grown strong in terms of both the number of their supporters and the amount of attention which is paid to them by the press. These groups have used our democratic rights – which includes our freedom of speech – in order to spread their scornful opinions based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference. Through our study of court rulings concerning Nazis, we came to the conclusion that there is a strong tendency to convict Nazis. This is certainly the case if they call out “Sieg Heil” or salute Hitler. They are also often convicted if they are wearing the Nazi cross. When the courts find that they are unable to convict a Nazi for the actions just mentioned, they often base their judgement on either one or two premises. If the prosecutor can not prove that it has been the Nazi's intention to spread a scornful message concerning a group defined by it's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith, or sexual preference, he can not be convicted with reference to the non-discrimination act (uppsåtsrekvisitet). Moreover, if it can not be proven that the message has reached a considerable number of people and not just the Nazis private sphere, this also warrants the verdict of acquittal (spridningsrekvisitet). From our study of court rulings however, we found that the non-discrimination statute does fulfil its purpose. Most scornful or hate-filled messages are in fact disseminated to the wider public. This being the case, the Nazi is almost certain to be convicted. Religious fundamentalism is not something entirely new in our society. Sweden has always had a few religious groups free from the state church and the members of the free churches have often held conservative religious beliefs, much like some Muslim movements today. Freedom of speech and religious freedom are of course two important elements of any democratic society, but through a court case concerning a Christian priest in a free church, the freedom of speech related to preaching has arguably become unacceptably extensive. In effect this court case means that as long as you can relate your scornful statement about a specific group included in the non-discrimination statute to a religious scripture like the Bible or the Koran, you can not be prosecuted. This somewhat unsatisfactory conclusion is a result of Sweden adopting the European Convention of Human Rights. In this case the European Rights Law overrides the Swedish non-discrimination law and this leads to a flaw in our legal system relating to the protection of certain minority groups. It must be mentioned, however, that the European Convention of Human Rights is part of Swedish law, and therefore Swedish law can not contradict European law, RF 2:23. Given that we are bound by the European Rights Law, there is nothing Sweden can do about this flaw, which in the future might have even greater consequences in and on our multicultural society. For instance, what would happen if messages filled with hatred were spread by priests from the Christian free churches and fundamentalist Muslims. If these statements concerned the other group and the origin of the statements could be traced to the Bible and the Koran, the courts would have no way of convicting the preachers as this would go against the European Convention on Human Rights. This could result in serious social instability. Indeed, riots could break out as a result of such religious propaganda. The law would be powerless to halt the dissemination of the religious scorn which caused the riots. We have come to three conclusions concerning intrinsic flaws in the law concerning the ban against discrimination based on a person's race, the colour of their skin or ethnic origin, confession of faith or sexual preference. We therefore recommend that the following changes should be made: 1. Concerning BrB 16:8, this act should include an unmistakable and transparent definition of the word “missaktning” (scornfulness or disrespect). 2. With reference to the High Court’s ruling regarding the priest and the European Convention on Human Rights, we recommend that Sweden should attempt to find a legal solution which will enable our courts to more easily convict scornful statements regarding certain minority groups, even if the origin of the statement can be traced to religious writings. 3. With reference to the instruction in the Freedom of Press Act (TF 1:4), we find it necessary to clarify which statements that can be looked upon as legal and which statements are unlawful.

This thesis analyses how Hezbollah has perceived Israel since its establishment. In this study it is argued that Israel is the main enemy of and source of hatred for Hezbollah. The references of this overall statement are the ideology and political, social and military history of Hezbollah. The armed struggle of Hezbollah against Israel started with the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon evolved into both a political participation with the continued armed militia in the period between 1982 to today. During this period, in addition to its armed conflict with Israel, Hezbollah came on the stage with social services for Lebanese society and political propaganda in Lebanese elections. The intersection point of these three identities is the endless encouragement of Hezbollah for a determined resistance against Israel. While on the one hand Hezbollah defines Israel to be the most dangerous threat for the world, in addition to being a prominent enemy for the Arab and Muslim community / on the other hand Israel regards Hezbollah to be the highest impact menace. Consequently, the thesis is finalized with outputs and predictions taking all historical and ideological aspects into concern.

nÃo hà / Esta pesquisa de doutorado tem por objetivo interrogar o lugar do Ãdio na cultura a partir de uma reflexÃo teÃrico-crÃtica da formaÃÃo humana na sociedade capitalista contemporÃnea. Tem como ponto de partida a observaÃÃo de que o problema do Ãdio que se expressa na violÃncia constitui na atualidade um dos principais temas retratados na grande mÃdia, ocupando os mais diferentes espaÃos de nossas vidas, que passa pelo contexto familiar, atravessa o cotidiano da atividade laboral, chega Ãs cenas pÃblicas da polÃtica, e segue em direÃÃo a um caminho que parece infindÃvel. Desse modo, perguntamo-nos: âPor que estamos falando tanto de Ãdio e violÃncia? Do que estamos falando quando falamos de Ãdio e violÃncia? A que estÃo remetidos?â Eis as questÃes de nossa pesquisa. Para respondÃ-las, escolhemos como aporte teÃrico, os Estudos Culturais de Sigmund Freud aonde repousa uma Teoria do Aparelho PsÃquico que se liga a uma concepÃÃo de cultura, cuja incidÃncia do inconsciente à notÃvel: Totem e Tabu, (1913), Psicologia das Massas e anÃlise do Eu (1921), Futuro de uma IlusÃo (1927), Mal-estar na Cultura (1930), MoisÃs e o monoteÃsmo (1939). Desse modo, buscamos no primeiro capÃtulo delimitar teoricamente o problema da formaÃÃo humana no sentido de cultura, a Kultur, tendo como pano de fundo, a reflexÃo do declÃnio da soberania da consciÃncia do idealismo filosÃfico do sÃculo XIX, com base no pensamento de Marx e Freud e em seguida, de Theodor Adorno e Walter Benjamim. No segundo capÃtulo, procuramos identificar a problemÃtica do Ãdio na teoria freudiana, segundo as formulaÃÃes do funcionamento do aparelho psÃquico, apresentadas na primeira e na segunda tÃpicas. Por Ãltimo, no terceiro capÃtulo, buscamos tecer consideraÃÃes psicanalÃticas sobre a problemÃtica do Ãdio na atualidade, à luz da incidÃncia do inconsciente freudiano na cultura, cujo fim consiste em contribuir para o debate das ciÃncias da educaÃÃo sobre o tema da formaÃÃo humana.

This essay offers a thematic analysis focusing specifically on antisemitic motifs, in Jascha Golowanjuk’s novel Främmande fågel (1944). The Jewish identity of the protagonist is analyzed as a parallel development to his other identity processes, in which his artistry as a violinist is especially emphasized. This analysis is mainly achieved by using Jean-Paul Sartre’s theory of the anti-Semitic Jew, as well as Frantz Fanon’s writings about racism. By reason of the insufficient previous research on Jascha Golowanjuk, a brief introduction to the author and his Swedish authorship is provided, along with its reception during the 1930s and 40s. I argue that the protagonist’s development of a Jewish identity is essential to his artistry. Finally, this essay explores the contrast between the discussion of Jewish identity within Golowanjuk´s novels, and the complete disregard the literary establishment had for this very same discussion.

This study examines how local journalists in Sweden view, understand and manage threats, hatred and harassment in their professional role. The study is based on qualitative interviews with eight journalists, four men and four women, from different local newspapers in Sweden. The interviews are analyzed through a theoretical framework inspired by discourse theory. The purpose of this study is to examine how journalists are affected by threats, hatred and harassment. All material has been collected throughout the study and is used to understand how journalists being victims of hatred, threats and harassment affects their duty to society as being a democratic vessel for the public opinion. The research questions for the study are:  1. How do journalists experience safety risks in their professional practice? 2. How do journalists weigh the risk of being exposed to hatred, threats and harassment as opposed to reporting about subjects they are interested in and find important? 3. Do journalists experience institutional support and how safe does the support make them feel?  Theories such as the media's democratic role in society and the journalistic standard of practice are used to answer the research questions and analyze the material. The result of the study shows that hatred, threats and harassment is an established part of journalistic practice that is known throughout institutions and by journalists themselves. Furthermore the result shows a lack of institutionalized support. Neither their previous education discussed how they’re supposed to handle hatred, threats and harassments nor does their current workplace discuss it. In line with previous research, the informants believed that hatred, threats and harassment take different forms depending on the gender of the journalist and that women are more vulnerable, which they claimed were because of the patriarchal structures of our society. The result shows that the informants use avoidance strategies when it comes to reducing the risk of exposure. Subconsciously, they may have reframed, changed the narrative or censored themselves – but in such cases without their direct knowledge.

Ce mémoire interroge la présence de la cruauté dans l’œuvre de Wajdi Mouawad, plus précisément Incendies et Anima. Dans Incendies, pièce de théâtre publiée en 2003, le lecteur se retrouve face à une quête de réponses impliquant des jumeaux, une mère décédée, et des décennies de violence guerrière. Dans Anima, roman publié en 2012, le lectorat est également face à une quête de réponses, mais, cette fois-ci, elle implique un homme ayant été adopté par son bourreau et ne se rappelant pas de son passé. Dans ces deux quêtes, une chose transparaît : la présence de la cruauté dans les vies de tous les protagonistes. Plus encore, dans les deux œuvres, les personnages sont amenés à voyager à divers endroits dans le monde. Ces deux œuvres représentent une violence sans limites d’un conflit sanglant. À travers la lecture, un élément particulier frappe le lecteur : l’omniprésence de la cruauté dans les évènements représentés. Cependant, ce n’est pas la cruauté directe que Mouawad met en scène, mais la vie de personnages qui seront touchés de près ou de loin par cette cruauté. Voilà pourquoi nous réfléchirons à la façon dont Mouawad fait apparaître la cruauté humaine dans ses œuvres. Dans un premier temps, nous nous pencherons au pouvoir, à la paranoïa, à la perversion et à l’emprise dans le but de montrer comment Mouawad fait ressortir l’aspect cruel de la tyrannie. Dans un deuxième temps, nous réfléchirons à la violence et à la cruauté pour démontrer l’impact que la cruauté a sur ses victimes. Dans un troisième temps, nous aborderons la haine et la propagande pour montrer comment Mouawad met en scène les différentes idéologies religieuses et les milices. Dans un dernier temps, nous nous questionnerons sur les blessures psychiques causées par cet amas de violence et de cruauté, tout en réfléchissant aux différents viols présents dans les deux œuvres à l’étude et son impact sur les victimes. Dans ces quatre chapitres, nous aurons démontré l’omniprésence de la cruauté dans le travail de Mouawad. / This thesis questions the presence of cruelty in the work of Wajdi Mouawad, more specifically in Incendies and Anima. In Incendies, a play published in 2003, the reader finds himself faced with a quest for answers involving twins, a dead mother, and many decades of war violence. In Anima, a novel published in 2012, the reader also finds himself faced with a quest for answers, but this time it involves a man who has been adopted by his executioner and does not remember his past. In these two quests, one thing shines through: the presence of cruelty in the lives of all the protagonists. Moreover, in both works, the protagonists will have to travel to various places in the world. These two works of Wajdi Mouawad represent the limitless violence of a bloody conflict. Throughout the reading of these books, one particular element strikes the reader: the pervasiveness of cruelty in the events depicted. However, it is not direct cruelty that Mouawad portrays, but the lives of characters who will be directly or indirectly affected by this cruelty. It is for this reason that we will reflect on how Mouawad brought out the cruel aspect of tyranny. In a second step, we will reflect on violence and cruelty to show the impact that cruelty has on its victims. Thirdly, we will approach hatred and propaganda to show how Mouawad staged the different religious ideologies and the militias. Finally, we will reflect on the psychic wounds caused by this mass display of violence and cruelty, while reflecting on the different rapes present in the two works under analysis and its impact on the victims. In these four chapters, we will have demonstrated the omnipresence of cruelty in Mouawad’s work.