La présente recherche porte sur le dieu de la guerre des Grecs anciens, Arès. La communauté historienne s’entend pour affirmer qu’Arès était un dieu de second ordre et un dieu mal aimé par les Grecs de l’époque. Les investigations des historiens du XXe siècle sont axées sur les documents littéraires et elles ne font que reformuler, dans la majorité des cas, le contenu de ceux-ci. Alors, afin de bénéficier d’un regard nouveau sur le dieu, on a étudié Arès au travers les documents épigraphiques pour corroborer ou non nos présentes connaissances. Le dieu de la guerre tel que présenté dans les écrits littéraires est-il le même que celui qui est véhiculé dans l’épigraphie de l’époque? La réponse à cette question nous permettra d’établir si nos connaissances actuelles sont valables et elle les complètera. La recherche épigraphique s’effectue en cinq étapes. D’abord, on voit si le côté militaire d’Arès était également prédominant au sein des inscriptions. Ensuite, on porte une attention particulière aux documents épigraphiques pouvant démontrer un Arès mal aimé. Le tout se poursuit avec la mise en relation du dieu et des anciens serments. Enfin, on termine avec une approche plus géographique qui nous permet de définir deux foyers importants du dieu de la guerre, soit la cité de Métropolis et l’île de Crète. À la suite de ce parcours on a déterminé que l’appréciation et l’importance que les Grecs accordaient à ce dieu n’était pas unanime. Le ressentiment des Grecs variaient selon les individus et les lieux. On a aussi été capable d’établir des faits au sujet d’Arès : son domaine d’action prédominant restait le militaire dans les inscriptions; il était un réel dieu, présent, respecté et loué; il possédait d’importants lieux de culte à Lato et Métropolis. Compte tenu d’une redéfinition notable du profil d’Arès, une révision des sources littéraires propres à Arès s’impose ainsi qu’une évaluation complète de toutes les autres sources (iconographique, archéologique, numismatique, épigraphique, etc.). / This study talks about the god of war for the ancient Greeks, Ares. The historical community asserts that Ares was a god of second order and unloved by the Greeks of this period. Investigations of historians of XXe century are focus on literary sources and they simply restate, in most cases, the content of them. To gain a new perspective on the god, Ares was studied through the epigraphic documents to corroborate or not our present knowledge. We want to know if the Ares, as presented in the literature, has been the same as that was transmitted in the ancient Greek epigraphy. The answer to this question will help us to see if our current knowledge is right and deepening it. The epigraphic research is done in five steps. First, we determine whether the military side of Ares was also predominant in the inscriptions. Then we pay a specific attention to documents that propose an unloved Ares in the epigraphy. After, we establish some links between the former oath and Ares. Finally, we close the epigraphic study with a geographic approach who allows us to determine two important sites that belong to the god of war, the city of Metropolis and the island of Crete. Through this process we were able to determine the appreciation and the importance, which the Greeks gave to this god, were not unanimous. The resentment of the Greeks varied among individuals and places. We were also able to establish some facts about Ares : his dominant sphere remained the military in the inscriptions; he was a reel god, present, respected and praised; he possessed important places of worship in Lato and Metropolis. In conclusion, we redefine Ares profile, so it would be interesting that a research reviews the literacy sources about him. Furthermore, an evaluation of all the sources (iconographic, archaeological, numismatic, epigraphic etc…) would also be appropriated.

Le héros grec Amphilochos, descendant mythique de la célèbre famille des hérosprophètes Mélampodides, était, comme son père Amphiaraos, un devin reconnu et un soldat aux aptitudes militaires formidables. Après avoir participé à la seconde expédition contre Thèbes et à la guerre de Troie, celui-ci aurait pérégriné dans bon nombre de contrées en fondant plusieurs cités situées entre l’Espagne et la Syrie. Quelque temps après sa mort brutale en combat singulier contre un autre devin nommé Mopsos, Amphilochos fut élevé au rang de divinité oraculaire à Mallos de Cilicie, une cité dont il avait été lui-même le fondateur. À l’époque romaine, Amphilochos avait acquit, en plus d’un statut ontologique supérieur, une très grande réputation dans cette région où il rendait des oracles à des pèlerins qui venaient eux-mêmes le visiter dans son antre. Cette recherche, qui vise d’une part à étudier de façon exhaustive la légende d’Amphilochos, tente surtout de déterminer, malgré un nombre restreint d’indices, les modalités de la révélation oraculaire dans le sanctuaire de Mallos de Cilicie. / The Greek hero Amphilochos, the mythical descendant of the famous family of the Melampodides hero-prophets, was, like his father Amphiaraos, a recognized soothsayer and a soldier with formidable military skills. After taking part in the second expedition against Thebes and the Trojan War, he is said to have wandered in many a land and founded several cities lying between Spain and Syria. Soon after his sudden death in a single combat with another seer named Mopsos, he was elevated to the rank of oracular divinity in Mallos of Cilicia, a city which he himself founded. During the Roman period, Amphilochos, indued with increased ontological status, got into high repute in this region where he gave oracles to the pilgrims who came and visited him by themselves in his abode. This research, which aims first to explore exhaustively the legend of Amphilochos, attempts above all to determine the terms of the oracular revelation in the sanctuary of Mallos of Cilicia, in spite of little compelling evidence.

Salvien de Marseille est un auteur incontournable pour l'histoire du Ve siècle ap. J.-C. Il s'est abondamment exprimé au sujet des Barbares, d'une façon si positive que cela ne cesse de nous étonner, au vu des invasions qui s'étaient produites dans sa Gaule natale peu avant la période où il rédigea le De gubernatione dei. Une étude attentive de ce que Salvien affirma au sujet des Barbares démontre que celui-ci utilisa souvent des topoï pour parler d'eux. Parfois aussi, il inversa ces topoï, se plaçant ainsi en opposition avec la tradition littéraire romaine. Ce mémoire s'attache à identifier ces topoï et voir comment Salvien de Marseille s'accordait ou se détachait des idées reçues sur les Barbares dans chaque cas. / Salvianus is an important author when studying fifth century history. He witnessed the barbarian invasion and destruction of his native Gaul, yet he expressed positive evaluations of the Barbarians in this treaty De gubernatione dei. A careful study of Salvianus’ analysis of these Barbarians reveals that he often used topoï when discussing them. However, contrary to Roman literary tradition, he also reversed these topoï and portrayed them in a positive light. This Master’s thesis examines and identifies these topoï, and assesses the extent to which Salvianus adhered to the Romans’ preconceived ideas on Barbarians in each case. This research will demonstrate that although he used traditional literary forms, Salvian was able to express original ideas through the manipulation of the Roman literary tradition.

<p> This thesis looks at over 3,000 inscriptions of unmarried daughters, under the age of 20, during the Roman Empire. It discusses the formulaic ways in which daughters were described on their tombstones based on their age and the Roman virtues valued at the time. It primarily focuses on descriptors, superlatives used, the dedicators who commissioned the work, girls who died before their wedding, and ages of girls which have excesses in the months or days she lived as inscribed on her epitaph.</p>

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The dissertation is intended to show whether it is possible for a Roman traveller to make a journey around the Roman world in the year C.E. 210, within 180 days, in a manner similar to that of Phileas Fogg, a character in Jules Verne's novel Around the World in Eighty Days (1874). The Roman's 180-day adventure to complete the journey within the set time incorporates logistics and itinerary on ancient roads, canals and sea voyages, and quotes Horace, Juvenal, Pausanias, Ovid and Strabo. Verne linked the past, an ancient two thousand year old water system in Aden - with his traveller who also visited the site. The Roman traveller will link the past with the present, viewing ancient building and engineering works such as the Lyonnais aqueducts, and the Greek use of curvature in design when building the Parthenon. Parts of such construction remain in situ for the present-day traveller to view. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / (M.A. (Specialization in Ancient Languages and Cultures))

The thesis examines the religious topography of Arcadia through two particular aspects: the built and the natural landscape, and how each relates to human communities, their places of living, and their understanding of the world around. It relies on the assumption commonly made in the field that, since ritual practice was of prevalent importance for the Greeks, cult sites are the most important places for the communities, and therefore they can tell us a lot about the people who built, visited and looked after them. The first part rests on the acknowledgement that sanctuaries are places of interaction for a certain community of cult (which can but need not overlap with a given polis) and explores how they can be indicators of social change, defined here as responses to changes with large impact on the human milieu. These changes and their response articulated in sacred space are identified in four chapters. The first sets the stage and surveys the known sacred sites of Arcadia at the end of the Bronze Age and during the Early Iron Age. The second looks at how the building of temples after the eighth century indicates a significant change in the way communities were structured in Arcadia. The third looks at how Arcadian sanctuaries responded to the increased religious mobility of the Classical and Hellenistic period. Finally, chapter four evaluates the impact of the Roman conquest on Arcadian religious sites. The second part explores how myths and rationalising discourses allowed the Greeks to make sense of the salient characteristics and numen of their surrounding natural landscape. Each of the three chapters departs from a situation observed in Arcadia by ancient sources and examines the responses articulated to explain it. Among the variety of topics to pursue, three have been selected because they exemplify a typical characteristic of Arcadia: its wetness. They also allow spatial areas that were less prominent in part one to be explored. The first chapter investigates the attribution of Mycenaean waterworks in Arcadia to Herakles in myth. The second chapter examines the connection made in ancient sources between Poseidon's lordship over the Peloponnese, earthquakes, floods and cults of Poseidon Hippios in Arcadia. Finally, the last chapter explores the apparent contradiction of having infernal rivers observable in the world of the living, such as the Styx flowing in the Aroania Mountains.

Modern studies of Classical Greek battle devote little attention to the role and importance of the general in achieving battlefield success. As a result of this the general is reduced to a simple leader of men whose only influential decision was where and when to fight, and whose major role was to provide inspiration by fighting in the front ranks. A modern conception of Hellenic fair play in warfare has further limited the importance of the general to Greek armies: apparently advanced manoeuvring and tactics were deliberately rejected in favour of a simple and direct test of strength and morale. I do not believe this to be the case, and in this study I demonstrate the importance of the general to Greek armies by offering a new analysis of his role in hoplite battle.

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