To the author's knowledge, this is the first systematic study of the concept of enmity in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. Examining this important category does not only elucidate the concept itself, but also provides an opportunity to reconnect fragments of Hobbes's thought that are increasingly being treated as disparate subjects. It is suggested that the notion of enmity can shed further light on related aspects of his political philosophy, including human competitiveness, the roles of fear and trust, the evil of violent death, the status of rebels, and his theory of international relations. In addition, the subject invites a rethinking of Hobbes's place in the history of political thought. It is argued that he was among the first to make enmity a central subject of political philosophy. This seems to be related to Hobbes's break with the traditional notion of natural sociability, as a consequence of which he describes the natural condition of mankind as a war of all against all. Although Hobbes depicts human beings as natural enemies, he holds that enmity does not exclude the possibility of reconciliation; individuals can supposedly overcome their hostility through subjection to a sovereign. These views give rise to a dynamic distinction between public and private enmity, according to which outright hostility can be transformed into private rivalry if human beings renounce their natural right of war. Conversely, subjects become public enemies if they rebel against the sovereign. Hobbes's views on natural enmity and reconciliation also have important implications for his theory of international relations. This thesis particularly highlights the possibility that states can be decomposed and reassembled after a foreign invasion, which precludes wars of annihilation.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T13:54:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 402094.pdf: 304633 bytes, checksum: 9e557ae0c8e15b5dbf5407edfabd35c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-03-31 / Para Thomas Hobbes, a ?nica fun??o do Estado ? manter a paz entre os cidad?os. Cada homem, ao querer possuir o que entende ser necess?rio para si mesmo, pode entrar em conflito com outro que poder? querer a mesma coisa. Se n?o houver quem regule, quem organize a conviv?ncia humana, o que impera ? a lei do mais forte, ou mais astuto. Sempre haver? algu?m que poder? colocar em risco minha sobreviv?ncia se eu n?o tiver como me proteger. O Estado surge como necessidade de constru??o da paz. Abrimos m?o de nossas capacidades de autoconserva??o, de autodefesa e as delegamos ao Estado, constitu?do atrav?s de um contrato, para que cuide de nossa seguran?a, para que possamos viver civilizadamente, para que n?o vivamos em eterna guerra de todos contra todos. O Estado hobbesiano ? soberano. Depois de constitu?do, de formalizado, tem poderes ilimitados de organizar a sociedade como melhor lhe aprouver. Sem Estado n?o h? civiliza??o, n?o h? cidadania, n?o h? paz

La clásica argumentación hobbesiana a favor de la necesidad de establecer un Estado soberano, dotado de plenas atribuciones para disponer de la suerte, los recursos e incluso la vida de sus ciudadanos, caracterizados como súbditos, tiene, aunque resulte paradójico, un núcleo originariamente liberal. En efecto, el punto de partida del razonamiento filosófico-político hobbesiano es la libertad de los individuos, concebidos capaces de decidir en términos propios, al margen de cualquier predeterminación exterior del sentido de su querer y su acción. Este punto de partida, sin embargo, termina completamente ensombrecido por la ulterior legitimación de la autoridad socialmente irrestricta de la instancia soberana de gobierno bajo el ordenamiento dado en el Estado civil. / Tesis

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-13T15:42:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EloquenciaPensamentoPolitico.pdf: 543088 bytes, checksum: 82226d4c6a3aaf8e7fe9397ea9c4151d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-05-15T14:11:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EloquenciaPensamentoPolitico.pdf: 543088 bytes, checksum: 82226d4c6a3aaf8e7fe9397ea9c4151d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-15T14:11:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EloquenciaPensamentoPolitico.pdf: 543088 bytes, checksum: 82226d4c6a3aaf8e7fe9397ea9c4151d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / SEDUC/PA - Secretaria de Estado de Educação / A presente pesquisa propõe-se a analisar os pressupostos teóricos que servem de apoio para Hobbes fundamentar a sua ciência civil, a qual aparentemente denotaria certa contradição quanto ao fato de ele lançar mão da eloquência enquanto arte da retórica implicitamente nos Elementos da Lei e no Do cidadão ao alinhar parte da bíblia sagrada à obediência civil. Ao mesmo tempo em que claramente o autor nas obras citadas acima condena o referido aspecto da eloquência, paradoxalmente, nas suas duas obras políticas posteriores, Leviatã e Behemoth, Hobbes lança mão explicitamente desta, chegando à conclusão de que ela é necessária como força coadjuvante da razão para conformar as paixões humanas na obediência civil. / This study aims to examine the theoretical assumptions which underpin their support for Hobbes civil science, which apparently denotes some conflict as to whether he make use of eloquence as an art of rhetoric implicitly in the Elements of Law and Do citizen to align part of the holy bible to civil obedience. While clearly the author in the works cited above condemns such aspect of eloquence, paradoxically, in its two political works later, Leviathan and Behemoth, Hobbes explicitly makes use of this and concluded that it is needed as a force supporting the reason to conform the human passions in civil obedience.

Thomas Hobbes está preocupado com as consequências do desacordo moral que, segundo ele, impedem as sociedades de viverem em paz, a qual é condição necessária para a garantia uma vida confortável a todos. Para apresentar uma solução a esse problema, o autor começa estudando a condição natural dos humanos, que, sem um poder soberano, vivem em condição de guerra. Depois de alcançar essa conclusão, Hobbes nos mostra como é possível constituir corretamente uma república. Apesar de apresentar o argumento do estado de natureza como sendo o ponto de partida para a instituição da soberania, ele está focado principalmente no seu significado para a estabilidade da república. Hobbes afirma, assim, estar consciente de que as pessoas sempre desejam viver juntas e de que elas têm vivido assim desde sempre. Seu principal interesse está, na verdade, em demonstrar como as pessoas podem viver juntas em paz ao longo do tempo. Hobbes mostra aos seus leitores que a paz só é possível quando os cidadãos conhecem as leis de natureza e estão corretamente motivados a segui-las. Essa tese tem dois objetivos principais: (i) discutir como Hobbes desenvolve sua teoria moral, e como ele conecta essa teoria à lei civil, e (ii) debater sua teoria sobre a natureza humana e a possibilidade de ensinar os cidadãos sobre a necessidade de obedecer ao soberano. Os principais tópicos discutidos e as contribuições que essa tese pode proporcionar estão relacionados à questão da normatividade das leis de natureza e ao impacto que ela pode ter no restante da teoria política de Hobbes, com particular destaque à relação, em uma república, entre moralidade e educação, pois a segunda motiva os cidadãos a seguirem a primeira. / Thomas Hobbes is concerned with the consequences of moral disagreement as, according to him, they prevent societies from living in peace, which is a necessary condition to guarantee a comfortable life to everyone. In order to present a solution to this problem, Hobbes starts studying the natural condition of humans, who, in the absence of a sovereign power, live in a state of war. After reaching this conclusion, Hobbes shows us how it is possible to correctly institute a commonwealth. Despite presenting the argument concerning the state of nature as a starting point to the institution of the sovereignty, he is focused mainly on the state of nature’s meaning to the stability of the commonwealth. Hobbes hence asserts that he is aware that people always desire to live together and have always lived like that. His main interest is actually to demonstrate how people can live together in peace over time. Hobbes shows his readers that peace is only possible when citizens know the laws of nature and are correctly motivated to follow them. This paper has two main aims (i) to discuss how Hobbes advances his moral theory and how he connects it to the civil law, and (ii) to reflect his theory about human nature and the possibility of teaching citizens about the need of obeying the sovereign. The main topics discussed and the contributions this paper may make concern the normativity of the laws of nature and the impact it may have on the rest of Hobbes’s political theory, with particular emphasis on the relation, in a commonwealth, between morality and education, as the latter motivates citizens to follow the former.

The two concepts of hypocrisy and heresy are completely disparate in modern use, and yet they were related in two ways during the early modern period. Firstly, both terms were prominent charges in the polemical exchanges of the English Reformation. Consequently, in this thesis they provide useful tools for studying the effects of controversy on language. The meaning of hypocrisy and of heresy was of considerable concern to many controversialists, and yet the resulting attempts at defining these terms contributed to their destabilization and incoherence. These terms were also related in a second respect throughout the early modern period. Given the universal conviction at that time that there was only one “true” church, and given the consequent pressures imposed by churches (both Catholic and Protestant) to enforce conformity to their own religions, it was inevitable that judgements had to be made concerning the convictions and internal beliefs of others. Such judgements were central in charges of heresy and hypocrisy; hence in this thesis the concepts of hypocrisy and heresy provide useful tools for studying early modern understandings of intentionality and judgement. The writings of Sir John Cheke, William Perkins, Bishop Joseph Hall and Sir Francis Bacon are shown to display concern combined with confusion and incoherence over these topics. However, Sir Thomas More’s Dialogue Concerning Heresies is shown to contain an intricate and coherent analysis of intentionality and judgement vis a vis heresy. But, More’s foundation for judgement and knowledge was the consensus fidelium, a foundation which simply was not available to the later Protestant writers. Lastly, Thomas Hobbes’s treatments of hypocrisy and heresy are examined. In effect, Hobbes negated the judgement of intentions where both concepts were concerned. He acknowledged and accepted the separation of internal belief from external profession. Likewise he accepted the impenetrable nature of the human mind and heart in a way his forebears had not. By examining Hobbes’s treatment of these concepts in light of the polemical confusion and conceptual incoherence of the preceeding century, a better understanding of Hobbes’s philosophy is obtained and the relevance of early modern theology for intellectual history is demonstrated.

Thèse (D. en sémiologie)--Université du Québec à Montréal, 2005. / En tête du titre: Université du Québec à Montréal. Bibliogr.: f. 276-303. Publié aussi en version électronique.

Diss. Universiẗat Trier, 2008.

Thomas Hobbes está preocupado com as consequências do desacordo moral que, segundo ele, impedem as sociedades de viverem em paz, a qual é condição necessária para a garantia uma vida confortável a todos. Para apresentar uma solução a esse problema, o autor começa estudando a condição natural dos humanos, que, sem um poder soberano, vivem em condição de guerra. Depois de alcançar essa conclusão, Hobbes nos mostra como é possível constituir corretamente uma república. Apesar de apresentar o argumento do estado de natureza como sendo o ponto de partida para a instituição da soberania, ele está focado principalmente no seu significado para a estabilidade da república. Hobbes afirma, assim, estar consciente de que as pessoas sempre desejam viver juntas e de que elas têm vivido assim desde sempre. Seu principal interesse está, na verdade, em demonstrar como as pessoas podem viver juntas em paz ao longo do tempo. Hobbes mostra aos seus leitores que a paz só é possível quando os cidadãos conhecem as leis de natureza e estão corretamente motivados a segui-las. Essa tese tem dois objetivos principais: (i) discutir como Hobbes desenvolve sua teoria moral, e como ele conecta essa teoria à lei civil, e (ii) debater sua teoria sobre a natureza humana e a possibilidade de ensinar os cidadãos sobre a necessidade de obedecer ao soberano. Os principais tópicos discutidos e as contribuições que essa tese pode proporcionar estão relacionados à questão da normatividade das leis de natureza e ao impacto que ela pode ter no restante da teoria política de Hobbes, com particular destaque à relação, em uma república, entre moralidade e educação, pois a segunda motiva os cidadãos a seguirem a primeira. / Thomas Hobbes is concerned with the consequences of moral disagreement as, according to him, they prevent societies from living in peace, which is a necessary condition to guarantee a comfortable life to everyone. In order to present a solution to this problem, Hobbes starts studying the natural condition of humans, who, in the absence of a sovereign power, live in a state of war. After reaching this conclusion, Hobbes shows us how it is possible to correctly institute a commonwealth. Despite presenting the argument concerning the state of nature as a starting point to the institution of the sovereignty, he is focused mainly on the state of nature’s meaning to the stability of the commonwealth. Hobbes hence asserts that he is aware that people always desire to live together and have always lived like that. His main interest is actually to demonstrate how people can live together in peace over time. Hobbes shows his readers that peace is only possible when citizens know the laws of nature and are correctly motivated to follow them. This paper has two main aims (i) to discuss how Hobbes advances his moral theory and how he connects it to the civil law, and (ii) to reflect his theory about human nature and the possibility of teaching citizens about the need of obeying the sovereign. The main topics discussed and the contributions this paper may make concern the normativity of the laws of nature and the impact it may have on the rest of Hobbes’s political theory, with particular emphasis on the relation, in a commonwealth, between morality and education, as the latter motivates citizens to follow the former.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Paraná, Curitiba, 2012 / Bibliografia: f. 87-89 / A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar a noção de impulso humano tendo como base a teoria de dois autores: Thomas Hobbes e Sigmund Freud. Hobbes entendeu o ser humano como parte de um todo onde o Estado ocupa lugar de soberano e regula todas as a / The present study aims to investigate the notion of humane impulse based on the theory of two authors: Thomas Hobbes and Sigmund Freud. Hobbes understood the human being as a part of a whole where the State has a place as sovereign and regulates all the a