Text in Afrikaans / In die post-koloniale tydsgewrig was die menseregte-situasie en bestaansomgewing van talle Afrikane die van konflik, korrupsie, onderdrukking, sosiale ongeregtigheid en menseslagting. As kontinentale eenheidsorganisasie het die OAE jare lank in gebreke gebly om die lot van mense in sy ledestate te verbeter. Eers teen die laat-sewentigerjare het die organisasie - hoofsaaklik as gevolg van internasionale druk - begin om werklik aan menseregte aandag te skenk. Die kulminasie hiervan was die Banjoel-handves vir menseregte in 1981. Dit is egter bekend dat die gebeure geen wesenlike verbetering en vordering in die menseregte-gesteldheid in Afrika teweeg gebring het nie. Teen hierdie agtergrond is gepoog om die geskiedenis van menseregte in Afrika en die OAE se rol hieromtrent te ontleed. Samehangend is ondersoek gedoen na die noodsaaklike elemente vir 'n menseregtebedeling op die kontinent - soos dit in der waarheid in die Banjoel-handves ten doel gestel is. Die belangrikste bevindings is onder meer dat * 'n botsing tussen pan-nasionale en nasionale belange in die OAE deurgaans ten diepste veroorsaak het dat die organisasie in gebreke was om die lot van talle Afrikane te verbeter; * die politieke bedelings en "regskultuur" van die afsonderlike Afrika-state tot dusver verhoed het dat die menseregte van die Banjoel-handves sinvol toegepas word; * indien die OAE sy menseregte-standaarde toegepas wil sien, die Afrika-leiers in afsonderlike verband eers daarmee erns moet maak; * gemeenskaplik aanvaarde politieke bedelings en legitieme regerings in Afrika voorwaardelik is vir die verwerkliking van die ideaal van 'n menseregte-bedeling op die kontinent. Sedert die negentigerjare is daar egter tekens wat hoop bied op 'n verbetering in die menseregte-situasie in Afrika. Dit geld veral vir die demokratisering van etlike state en die werksaamhede van die OAE se Menseregte-kommissie. Weens verskeie redes sal die organisasie se taak ten opsigte van menseregte vorentoe egter nie maklik wees nie. Die hoop beskaam egter nie dat die OAE, hoe gering ook al, 'n bydrae kan !ewer om die bestaansomgewing van talle Afrikane te verbeter - mits 'n groter realisme daaroor in die afsonderlike ledestate posvat. / In the post-colonial era the human rights situation of many Africans was one of conflict, repression, social injustice and bloodshed. For years the OAU failed to improve the lot of people in its member states. It was only during the late seventies that the OAU - mainly as a result of international pressure - began to pay attention to the principles of human rights. The culmination of this was the Banjul Charter of human rights in 1981. This brought about no real progress or improvement in the human rights situation in Africa, however. Against this background an attempt has been made to analyse the history of human rights in Africa and the role of the OAU in this regard. At the same time the essential elements of a human rights dispensation on this continent - as it has in fact been envisaged by the OAU - have been investigated. The most important findings include the following: * a clash between pan-national and national interests in the OAU was a fundamental reason why this organisation failed to improve the lot of Africans; * the political dispensations and "legal culture" of the African states have thus far prevented the meaningful application of the Banjul charter; * if the OAU wishes to see its human rights standards applied, the African leaders will first have to make serious attempts to do this separately and individually; * commonly accepted political dispensations and legitimate governments will have to be established in the OAU member states before the ideal of a human rights dispensation can become a reality in Africa. Since the nineties there have, however, been signs offering hope for an improvement in the human rights situation in Africa. This applies in particular to the democratisation of numerous states and the activities of the OAU's Human Rights Commission. For various reasons the future task of this organisation in regard to human rights will not be easy. There is hope, however, that the OAU will be able to make some contribution, however slight, to improving the environment of many Africans - provided a greater realism about this matter sets in the respective member states. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (Internasionale Politiek)

This thesis seeks to identify the moral wrong of torture, and to trace the relationship between that wrong and the definition of torture in international law. Because understanding a concept's modern manifestation requires an understanding of its history, the thesis begins by tracing the historical trajectory of legal prohibitions of different forms of ill-treatment beginning with the English Bill of Rights in 1689, subsequently articulated in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that 'no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment'. This prohibition, almost universally accepted by States, has come to be interpreted as embodying a hierarchy with torture at the apex. The shift towards a hierarchical interpretation of the prohibition of torture and ill-treatment in international law was remarkable, both for its decisiveness and for its surprisingly recent occurrence. The reasons for that shift are examined, before turning to a consideration of the competing accounts of what it is that makes torture wrong. Two predominant accounts of the moral wrong of torture are identified, described here as the 'dignitarian' and the 'defencelessness' accounts. Although most international instruments and judicial decisions on torture implicitly reflect the dignitarian account, the thesis argues that this account is open to challenge on normative grounds. Instead, it argues that the preferable account of the moral wrong of torture is a modified form of the defencelessness account, according to which torture is the deliberate infliction of severe pain or suffering in the context of a profoundly asymmetric power relation. Finally, the thesis turns to a consideration of the definitions of torture in international law. It contends that there are distinct conceptions of torture operating in the criminal paradigm, and in the human rights paradigm, respectively. While both conceptions of torture at present reflect the dignitarian account, the thesis argues that there is scope in the human rights paradigm for a more expansive 'defencelessness' conception of torture to be adopted.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:31:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-03-05Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:02:39Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 nery_ma_dr_arafcl.pdf: 717397 bytes, checksum: 666c9864dc7b34e123b3b54be430eb06 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Os Direitos Humanos no Brasil, para aqueles que militam na área, são vistos como uma combinação dos direitos sociais, culturais, econômicos, civis e políticos, todos universais, indivisíveis, interdependentes e inter-relacionados. Para a população infanto-juvenil, esses direitos são assegurados por tratados internacionais, pela Constituição Federal (1988), pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), pela Lei de Diretrizes e Bases (1996) e por uma vasta legislação, complementada recentemente pelo Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (já na terceira versão - 2009 -) e pelo Plano Nacional de Educação em Direitos Humanos (2006). Da legislação internacional destaca-se, para fins deste estudo, a Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos (1948), além da própria noção de dignidade humana, base de toda esta construção. O objetivo central deste trabalho foi conhecer a percepção dos jovens (nascidos após a promulgação da última Constituição - 1988 -) e compreender como têm se revelado, na prática, as questões dos Direitos Humanos, no cotidiano dos jovens. Esses jovens, na faixa etária entre 15 e 22 anos, permaneceram no ambiente escolar, em cursos regulares – ensino fundamental e médio – durante todo o período da vigência dos referidos documentos e da contínua convivência escolar, comunitária e familiar. Para a coleta de dados foi utilizado um questionário com perguntas semiestruturadas, que permitiram captar e analisar as percepções desses jovens. A partir da análise e interpretação dos resultados da pesquisa, percebeu-se que uma parcela significativa desses jovens tem uma concepção teórica dos direitos humanos, apresentando melhores respostas quando as questões são mais conceituais. Entretanto, ao aprofundar a investigação, propondo situações cotidianas, as respostas demonstram falta de atitude... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo / Human Rights in Brazil, for its militants, are defined as a set of social, cultural, economic, civil and political rights, all of them being universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated. When addressed (particularly) to the young part of the population, such rights are guaranteed by international agreements, by the Brazilian Federal Constitution -1988, by the Child and Adolescent Statute (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente) -1990, by the Law of Directives and Bases of National Education (LDB) -1996 and a wide range of laws, complemented by the recent National Human Rights Program (PNDH), on its third version in 2009, and, last, by the National Plan for Human Rights Education – 2006. From the international legislation, we have studied the Universal Declaration of Human Rights – 1948; besides our own idea of human dignity, which is the basis of all this construction. The main objective of this study was to assess the perception of Human Rights on youngsters (born after the last Brazilian Constitution from 1988), and understand how the Human Rights matters are being revealed in their everyday actions. These youths, ranging from 15 to 22 years old, were within the school environment, enrolled in regular courses – fundamental and high school – along the time when all the above mentioned laws were in effect, period when they were in contact with family, community and school. For data collection, a questionnaire has been used, with semi-structured questions, which allowed us to assess the perceptions and ambiguities occurred daily in these young people´s lives. From the analysis and interpretation of the questionnaire results, we could notice that a large part of such youngsters is in touch with the theoretical aspects of human rights, presenting better responses when the questions are conceptual... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Orientador: Tânia Suely Antonelli Marcelino Brabo / Banca: Cláudia Pereira Vianna / Banca: Neusa Maria Dal Ri / Resumo: Nesta dissertação, apresentam-se resultados de pesquisa de Mestrado em Educação (Bolsa CNPq - abril de 2009 a janeiro de 2011) que teve como objetivo geral verificar as concepções e as práticas pedagógicas de uma professora e de um professor a respeito de direitos humanos, cidadania e gênero em uma escola de Educação Infantil Municipal. Mediante pesquisa qualitativa, desenvolvida por meio de pesquisas bibliográfica e de campo, observaram-se as práticas pedagógicas do professor e da professora e, ao final, realizaram-se entrevistas com o professor, a professora, a diretora, a coordenadora pedagógica e uma atendente de uma escola de Educação Infantil Municipal de Padre Nóbrega, Distrito da cidade de Marília/SP. A Educação Infantil por ser responsável pelos primeiros contatos da criança com um grupo diferente do familiar representa um espaço para a compreensão da coletividade e da importância de pertencimento, aspectos que se referem à cidadania, além disso, essas interações sociais também incidem na construção da identidade de gênero da criança. Educar em direitos humanos, nesse sentido, representa a possibilidade de atuar na compreensão de que essa convivência significa os primeiros passos para a construção de uma sociedade democrática, além de proporcionar a reflexão de que as diferenças existentes entre homens e mulheres não podem ser consideradas justificativas para desigualdades. As desigualdades em questão podem ser reconhecidas na própria composição do corpo docente da Educação Infantil em que a maioria é de mulheres devido à associação da mulher à figura materna e, portanto, aos cuidados, aos baixos salários e à desqualificação profissional, aspectos que se justificam pelos estereótipos que delimitam o que é próprio para mulheres e homens. Observou-se... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In this thesis, we present research results of Master of Education (Grant CNPq - April 2009 to January 2011), which aimed to verify the concepts and teaching practices of a men teacher and a woman teacher regarding human rights , citizenship and gender in an early childhood education center hall. Through qualitative research developed through research literature and field, we observed the teaching practices of the men teacher and the woman teacher and, in the final, held interviews with the men teacher, the woman teacher, the principal, the school coordinator and an attendant an early childhood education center Municipal Padre Nobrega, District of the city of Marília-SP. Preschool education for being responsible for the child's first contact with a different group of family represents a space for understanding the importance of community and belonging, something that refers to citizenship, in addition, these social interactions also affect the construction of identity gender of the child. Educating in human rights, in this sense represents the ability to act on the understanding that this coexistence means the first steps towards building a democratic society, and provide a reflection of the differences between men and women can not be considered justification for inequalities. The inequalities in question can be recognized in the composition faculty of early childhood education where the majority of women is due to association of women for their mothers and thus to care, low wages and lack of professional qualification, all of wich are justified by the stereotypes that delimit what is proper for women and men. It was noted that although this school has a men teacher on its faculty a fact that could allow the discussion about the stereotypes that elect a woman as an ideal to work in early childhood education, school organizations... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-01-13Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:57:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 oriani_vp_me_mar.pdf: 469174 bytes, checksum: 0488d205dadc4f63c5656f362f01e1ca (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Nesta dissertação, apresentam-se resultados de pesquisa de Mestrado em Educação (Bolsa CNPq – abril de 2009 a janeiro de 2011) que teve como objetivo geral verificar as concepções e as práticas pedagógicas de uma professora e de um professor a respeito de direitos humanos, cidadania e gênero em uma escola de Educação Infantil Municipal. Mediante pesquisa qualitativa, desenvolvida por meio de pesquisas bibliográfica e de campo, observaram-se as práticas pedagógicas do professor e da professora e, ao final, realizaram-se entrevistas com o professor, a professora, a diretora, a coordenadora pedagógica e uma atendente de uma escola de Educação Infantil Municipal de Padre Nóbrega, Distrito da cidade de Marília/SP. A Educação Infantil por ser responsável pelos primeiros contatos da criança com um grupo diferente do familiar representa um espaço para a compreensão da coletividade e da importância de pertencimento, aspectos que se referem à cidadania, além disso, essas interações sociais também incidem na construção da identidade de gênero da criança. Educar em direitos humanos, nesse sentido, representa a possibilidade de atuar na compreensão de que essa convivência significa os primeiros passos para a construção de uma sociedade democrática, além de proporcionar a reflexão de que as diferenças existentes entre homens e mulheres não podem ser consideradas justificativas para desigualdades. As desigualdades em questão podem ser reconhecidas na própria composição do corpo docente da Educação Infantil em que a maioria é de mulheres devido à associação da mulher à figura materna e, portanto, aos cuidados, aos baixos salários e à desqualificação profissional, aspectos que se justificam pelos estereótipos que delimitam o que é próprio para mulheres e homens. Observou-se... / In this thesis, we present research results of Master of Education (Grant CNPq - April 2009 to January 2011), which aimed to verify the concepts and teaching practices of a men teacher and a woman teacher regarding human rights , citizenship and gender in an early childhood education center hall. Through qualitative research developed through research literature and field, we observed the teaching practices of the men teacher and the woman teacher and, in the final, held interviews with the men teacher, the woman teacher, the principal, the school coordinator and an attendant an early childhood education center Municipal Padre Nobrega, District of the city of Marília-SP. Preschool education for being responsible for the child's first contact with a different group of family represents a space for understanding the importance of community and belonging, something that refers to citizenship, in addition, these social interactions also affect the construction of identity gender of the child. Educating in human rights, in this sense represents the ability to act on the understanding that this coexistence means the first steps towards building a democratic society, and provide a reflection of the differences between men and women can not be considered justification for inequalities. The inequalities in question can be recognized in the composition faculty of early childhood education where the majority of women is due to association of women for their mothers and thus to care, low wages and lack of professional qualification, all of wich are justified by the stereotypes that delimit what is proper for women and men. It was noted that although this school has a men teacher on its faculty a fact that could allow the discussion about the stereotypes that elect a woman as an ideal to work in early childhood education, school organizations... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Versa sobre a Representação televisiva dos direitos humanos no Brasil, na qual buscarei averiguar como se dá o discurso telejornalístico acerca desses direitos e o que isso representa. Discute conceitos e características apresentados por alguns autores acerca de temas relacionados à mídia, bem como em relação aos direitos humanos. Explica o histórico e a evolução da televisão no Brasil e dos direitos humanos no plano nacional e internacional. Defende a manipulação como um conceito ainda relevante para se entender a relação que se estabelece entre a mídia e o seu usuário. Acentua o aspecto omissivo na violação do direitos humanos no Brasil, fazendo com que estas violações sejam menos flagrantes, pelo menos da perspectiva midiática. Conclui pela marginalização de temas como educação, saúde e emprego em detrimento de outros como violência, segurança e repressão, posto que em ambos os telejornais pesquisados, mais de 60% das reportagens estão relacionados a estes últimos. / This study is about television representations of human rights in Brazil, in which I shall persecute to investigate how the TV news speech treats those rights and what it represents. It discusses the concept and characteristics presented by some authors on topics related to media and also human rights. It explains the history and evolution of television in Brazil and of human rights at national and international levels. If advocates manipulation as a relevant concept in order to understand the established relationship between the media and its users. It highlights the omission aspect in the violation of human rights in Brazil, which makes those violations less egregious, at least from the perspective of media. It concludes that there is a marginalization of topics such as education, health and employment over others as violence, repression and security, once that in both surveyed TV news, over 60% of the news are related to these last topics.

In certain contemporary Muslim majority states apostasy and blasphemy are not merely religious sins; they are acts which potentially have legal, or extra-legal, consequences. Although apostasy has not been criminalised in many such states, extrajudicial killings of apostates are carried out by some extremist groups and individuals. Such groups always justify these murders of fellow Muslims and non-Muslims on the grounds of apostasy and blasphemy. The concept and use of takfir (excommunication) is also a serious issue in Muslim majority states. Groups such as Daesh (also known as Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) rely on takfir to attack fellow Muslims, despite there being no legal basis in Shari’a for the use of takfir or for criminalising apostasy. Although the concept was developed by people, not God, takfir are now being used to bypass rational human judgement. Their use plays a major role in many of the religious issues confronting Muslim majority states, such as the criminalisation of apostasy and blasphemy. This thesis analyses the central issues of apostasy, blasphemy and takfir collectively, as their history and their contemporary use and misuse by extremist groups are inextricably entwined. The key finding is that the right to punish apostasy and blasphemy and to issue declarations of excommunication (takfir), all originally reserved in Islam for God only, have been appropriated by man. Through developments in the understandings of these concepts, all three have come to be seen by some scholars and ordinary believers as a ‘right of man’. This evolution in interpretation and in application is inconsistent with Shari’a law.

A Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos é uma instância jurídico política que integra o Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos e é responsável pela análise de denúncias de violações a direitos ocorridos nos diversos países das Américas. A proposta deste trabalho é analisar as decisões de admissibilidade, mérito e acordos de solução amistosa publicadas pela Comissão e verificar a incidência de casos de violação a direitos humanos das mulheres. Mais do que simples casos em que a mulher é vítima, os casos objeto de análise deste trabalho apresentam situações em que justamente a violência ocorreu porque a vítima é do sexo feminino. Esta pesquisa congrega dados quantitativos e qualitativos sobre a ocorrência destas demandas no Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos e os impactos que as decisões da Comissão trazem para a observância dos direitos humanos das mulheres na região, bem como para a própria reformulação do conceito de direitos humanos / The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is a political and juridical instance which is part of the Inter-American Human Rights System and analyzes human rights violations reports in many countries in the American continent. This research evaluates the rulings of admissibility, merit and friendly solution agreements published by the Commission; it also verifies the frequency of womens human rights violation cases. More than just simple cases in which a woman is a victim, these analyzed episodes show that the violence took place precisely because the victim was a woman. This dissertation is based upon quantitative and qualitative data concerning the occurrence of these cases in the Inter- American Human Rights System and the impact that this decisions had on womens human rights observance in the region and on the re-formulation of human rights concept itself.

LL.M. / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The return of a body, alive (sas, lit. ‘breath’) or dead (las) is a recurring demand of relatives of the disappeared in Nepal. Hundreds of people were disappeared by state security forces or abducted by the Maoists during the armed conflict (1996-2006). Uncertainty surrounds their whereabouts and their fate remains unconfirmed. Not knowing for certain whether someone is alive or dead is a painful predicament for relatives. Their loss remains ambiguous: there is no body, only an abrupt rupture in their lives. This thesis explores how the effects of disappearances reverberate in the details of relationships within families, with local communities and with the state. The disappeared person’s absence becomes a disruptive and unsettling presence, and has had particular effects for women whose husbands have disappeared. When people ‘disappear,’ the fragile line between life and death is disrupted: lives and deaths are held in limbo. This thesis explores the social repercussions and the political uses that have been made of this. Ambiguity is both what makes disappearances a particularly difficult kind of loss to bear for relatives; and what makes ‘the disappeared’ a potent political and moral symbol in continuing contests over the state in the aftermath of the war. The relationship between the personal experiences of relatives and the projects of actors seeking to influence the state is complex and over-layered. For relatives, the gap between life and death is paradoxically both a source of hope and of despair. On a political level it becomes a space of ambiguity upon which statecraft is performed. In Nepal, the search for disappeared relatives developed into collective campaigns demanding truth, justice and compensation from the state. This thesis examines how these campaigns, directed by the Maoist party on the one hand and human rights organisations on the other, whilst advocating for relatives of the disappeared have simultaneously utilised the ‘disappeared’ for their own projects to transform or reform the state. The appropriation of the disappeared as political symbols, has involved inscribing them with new identities as ‘conflict victims’ or as ‘disappeared warriors’. The thesis suggests that the absent bodies of the disappeared have been drawn into different contests of sovereignty. It explores how this politicisation both influences the ways in which relatives come to interpret and experience their loss, and is ultimately often rejected by them. In demanding the return of a body, relatives seek to retrieve the person from the political entanglements of contests over sovereign authority: to reclaim the personal from the political.