While there are key differences between Jephthah's daughter's story and that of Jesus, not least the difference in gender of the sacrificial victims, this thesis posits that both the similarities and differences between these two accounts can enrich readings of Jesus' death in the gospel of Matthew. A careful comparison of the narrative of Jephthah's daughter with Jesus' Passion narrative in the gospel of Matthew leads to the conclusion that Jesus' death should be interpreted as a human sacrifice. Reading Jesus' death as a human sacrifice and locating it in that socio-religious context makes his death indicative of a transactional, covenantal relationship between him and the Father. These two accounts also share archetypes that come from the Hebrew Bible. Foregrounding Jesus' narrative with Jepthah's daughter's narrative intricately reveals Jesus' connections with the Hebrew Bible, shedding light on the interpretation of his Passion.

This thesis focuses on exegesis and interpretation of Judges 11, 29-40. Main method used in this thesis is narrative analysis, via which I investigate and interpret the chosen text as one story unit in its contemporal form. I focus on the course of action, how and with whom the characters act and what is the meaning of these in the whole narrative. I examine the structure of the text, because it's essential for the story told. I examine the context of the chosen text as well, because it's in the middle of broader narrative about Jephthah, of the book of Judges and of the Old Testament. Behavior and actions of characters, as well as facts used in the story, may have different meanings, which may not be apparent from the text itself. The aim of this thesis is to find one or several interpratiations, which will be based in the text itself and its context as much as possible. That will aslo enable me to deal with other intepratations. In the conclusion, I will shortly speak about text's influence on arts and present several themes for homiletic or pastoral use, which the story presents and contents.

The purpose of this study is to present a critical analysis of how certain themes of the Norse pagan religion are portrayed in ten selected textbooks used for Religious Science education in grades one through nine. The themes included in the analysis are; the description of the transition from the Norse Pagan religion to Christianity; Adam of Bremen’s portrayal of human sacrifice, and lastly Ibn Fadhlan’s characterization of widow burning. By using a critical knowledge text analysis, and applying a theoretical starting point that pedagogical material analyses and interprets events from a specific perspective; in this case from a Christian perspective, I have from the study concluded that the chapters covering the Norse pagan religion in these textbooks have a distinguished Christian bias seen as the norm. The themes analysed in this study all describe different phenomena in a similar way and make use of the same sources, even though these are often questioned. The Christian religion is delegated a prominent role whereas the Norse pagan religion is portrayed as it’s opposite, undeveloped and barbaric.

xvii, 133 p. : ill., maps. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / The objective of this dissertation is to address violence at the archaeological site of Casas Grandes (Paquimé) in northwest Chihuahua, Mexico. The reasons for the abandonment of Paquimé are uncertain. The prevailing theory claims this geographic area endured centuries of warfare, ritual sacrifice, and at least one massacre; this theory is supported by numerous unburied bodies recovered at the site. These assertions of violence have never been corroborated by osteological data. Data were collected from a sample of Medio period (A.D. 1200-1450) human skeletal remains recovered from the 1958-1961 excavations at Casas Grandes. These data were synthesized with accelerator mass spectrometry radiocarbon dates, fluoride ion dates, population demographics, and burial context. Frequencies of ante-, peri-, and postmortem trauma were compared to other studies from the Old and New Worlds. I argue that warfare was not endemic to this region and that a massacre did not occur. Moreover, cannibalism and probably human sacrifice were practiced. I assert that these activities may have been related to the proliferation of the Mesoamerican ballgame in the American Southwest and to Paquimé's role as the distribution center of the region's ritual and exotic goods. This dissertation underscores the importance of including skeletal analysis with other lines of archaeological inquiry when answering questions about human behavior. / Committee in charge: John Lukacs, Chairperson, Anthropology; Guy Tasa, Member, Anthropology; Frances White, Member, Anthropology; John Orbell, Outside Member, Political Science

Révélée par l’épopée mythique de son légendaire souverain Quetzalcóatl, la civilisation toltèque a été reconnue au XIXe siècle lors des explorations du français Désiré Charnay. Par la suite, les recherches archéologiques ont mené à l’identification du site principal de Tula. Les données matérielles recueillies ont été croisées avec les textes afin d’identifier les traits culturels propres à cette civilisation. En dépit de ces découvertes et des nombreux dépôts mortuaires exhumés, les morts toltèques sont restés dans l’ombre des archives. L’objet de cette thèse est donc d’analyser les dépôts mortuaires de la civilisation toltèque et de mettre en exergue, via une approche précise et pluridisciplinaire, les continuités et les spécificités culturelles de la mort dans trois sites : Tula, Tizayuca et El Refugio. Les données quantitatives et qualitatives de ces trois exemples nous ont permis de fonder une analyse minutieuse et systématique des données datées de 750 apr. J.-C. à 1200 apr. J.-C. Après avoir mis l’accent sur une analyse archéo-anthropologique, l’étude s’est ensuite concentrée sur la définition du système idéologique mortuaire toltèque au travers des textes et des images. La reconnaissance de la dimension paradigmatique de la mort au sein de cette civilisation mésoaméricaine a favorisé une échappée des interprétations consensuelles centrées autour de l’antinomie funéraire - sacrificielle, pour parvenir à la réhabilitation d’un usage de la mort caché. Dans l’ensemble, cette thèse se propose d’apporter une lecture inédite des pratiques mortuaires de la civilisation toltèque, à partir d’une appréhension archéologique, ethnohistorique et anthropologique / Revealed by the mythical epic of its legendary sovereign Quetzalcóatl, the Toltec civilization was recognized during the XIXe century, amid the explorations made by Désiré Charnay, a french traveller and archaeologist. Thereafter, archaeological research lead to the identification of the main site of Tula. The physical data collected were cross-checked with the texts in order to identify cultural features specific to this civilization. Despite these discoveries and numerous exhumed mortuaries, dead Toltec remained in the shadows, hidden in archives. Thus, this thesis aims to analyze mortuaries of the Toltec civilization and to highlight, through a precise and multidisciplinary approach, the continuities and cultural specificities of death in three sites : Tula, Tizayuca and El Refugio. Quantitative and qualitative data from these three examples allowed us to produce a meticulous and systematic analysis of data from A.D. 750 to A.D. 1200. After laying emphasis on a archaeo-anthropological analysis, the study then focused on the definition of the Toltec ideological funeral system through texts and pictures. The acknowledgement of death’s paradigmatic dimension within this Mesoamerican civilization enabled the breakaway of consensual interpretations centred on funeral antinomy – sacrificial, to achieve the rehabilitation of a hidden purpose of death. As a whole, this thesis offers a new reading of the Toltec civilization’s mortuary practices, from an archaeological, ethnohistorical and anthropological insight.

This dissertation brings the Ancient Near Eastern practice of the wheel, hanging, impaling, placarding, and crucifixion (WHIPC) into the scholarship of crucifixion, which has been too dominated by the Greek and Roman practice. WHIPC can be defined as the exposure of a body via affixing, by any means, to a structure, wooden or otherwise, for public display (Chapter 2). Linguistic analysis of relevant sources in several languages (including Egyptian hieroglyphics, Sumerian, Hebrew, Hittite, Old Persian, all phases of ancient Greek, and Latin) shows that because of imprecise terminology, any realistic definition of WHIPC must be broad (Chapter 3). Using methodologies and interdisciplinary approaches drawn from art history, archaeology, linguistic analysis, and digital humanities, this work analyzes scattered but abundant evidence to piece together theories about who was crucified, when, how, where, and why. The dissertation proves that WHIPC records, written and visual, were kept for three primary functions: to advertise power, to punish and deter, and to perform magical rituals or fulfill religious obligations. Manifestations of these three functions come through WHIPC in mythology (see especially Chapter 4), trophies (Chapter 5), spectacles, propaganda, political commentary, executions, corrective torture, behavior modification or prevention, donative sacrifices, scapegoat offerings, curses, and healing rituals. WHIPC also served as a mode of human and animal sacrifice (Chapter 6). Regarding the treatment of the body, several examples reveal cultural contexts for nudity and bone-breaking, which often accompanied WHIPC (Chapter 7). In the frequent instances where burial was forbidden a second penalty, played out in the afterlife, was intended. Contrary to some modern assertions, implementation of crucifixion was not limited by gender or status (Chapter 8). WHIPC often occurred along roads or on hills and mountains, or in in liminal spaces such as doorways, cliffs, city gates, and city walls (Chapter 9). From the Sumerians to the Romans, exposing and displaying the bodies consistently functioned as a display of power, punishment and prevention of undesirable behavior, and held religious and magical significance. Exposure punishments have been pervasive and global since the beginning of recorded time, and indeed, this treatment of the body is still practiced today. It seems no culture has escaped this form of physical abuse.

Der alte Timm Wieben sieht die natürliche gottgewollte Ordnung durch den Fortschritt, d. h. den Bau eines Bahndammes in seinem Dorf, gefährdet. Er prophezeit die Notwendigkeit eines Menschenopfers, das die Erde besänftigen soll: "Es muss etwas Lebiges in die Grund". Daraufhin ereignet sich ein schwerer Unfall. Der aus dem Nachlass veröffentlichte Text gehört eindeutig zu dem Umfeld der "Baasdörper Krönk". Er kontrastiert Aberglaube und aufgeklärtes Denken, / ohne in Schwarz-Weiß-Malerei zu verfallen. In Peters' Autobiographie Preis der guten Mächte (1940) erscheint der Großvater als ein Fürsprecher des Rationalismus und, wie Hans Lohse in der Erzählung, als ein Gegenentwurf zu Timm Wieben ("Dat geiht all natürlich to"). Aber auch er erkennt trotz allem die Macht des Übernatürlichen an. Für Peters löst sich der Gegensatz zwischen Licht und Dunkel, Aufklärung und Dämonie in der Religion auf: "Und wenn wir auch den beschränkten Geltungsbereich unserer Leuchte erkennen, so haben wir dennoch die Pflicht, sie ins Dunkel hinauszutragen bis an den alleräußersten Rand unseres Vermögens. Wer aber vor dem letzten, undurchleuchtbaren Dunkel steht, der suche seine Zuflucht nicht bei verdächtigen Mächten des Zaubers, sondern fasse die Hand Gottes, die sich ihm aus der deutschen Bibel Martin Luthers hilfreich entgegenstreckt." (Ausgewählte Werke, Bd II, Hamburg, Hoffmann und Campe, S. 111)

This article consists of a close examination of one of four Late Archaic-era tumular monuments that were excavated in the mid-1950s in the Northern Necropolis of the Pontic Greek settlement of Istros. The exploration of this monument, Tumulus XVII (circa 550-525 BCE), yielded several features that were immediately compared with heroic cremation burials as described in epic poetry (particularly the funeral of Patroklos in Homer’s Iliad). Most striking among these features were the remains of three human sacrificial victims. Despite the early connection drawn with Homeric epic, for the next three decades Tumulus XVII was classified as a non-Greek (Thracian) monument, principally due to the presence of human sacrifice. That is, human sacrifice was regarded as too primitive and thus foreign to the more ‘advanced’ Greek culture. For this reason, the evidence from Istros has not figured prominently in synthetic studies of Greek human sacrifice. Yet, the growing body of research into Greek and indigenous settlements and cemeteries in the western Black Sea, along with the more recent discovery of a bound and ritually decapitated man alongside Pyre A at Orthi Petra (circa 700 BCE; Eleutherna, Crete), has occasioned a reconsideration of the original barbarian characterization of Tumulus XVII. The funerary rituals and resulting tumular monument rather appear to have been developed by an elite subset of the Greek colonial community as a means to distinguish and elevate themselves among the ever-growing population of the city. While epic may have lent general inspiration and significance to the particular rituals performed, a more immediate model for the tumular form may have been taken from the ‘heroon’ (late 7th cent. BCE) in the necropolis of the nearby Greek settlement of Orgame. Although the precise circumstances surrounding the funerary human sacrifices elude us, this short-lived ritual phenomenon seems rather to have been introduced to the region by Greek settlers.