Sjukvårdstaktiken idag grundar sig idag i reglementen och handböcker där sjukvårdsgrupper bär det Röda Korset för att kunna få de skydd som den internationella humanitära rätten ger. Dessa lagar gäller i väpnade konflikter och ska respekteras av alla parter i en konflikt. Trots dessa lagar sker attacker riktade mot sjukvårdsenheter medvetet. Senast i Rysslands invasion av Ukraina har det enligt WHO skett 859 attacker mot sjukvårdsenheter.  När sjukvårdsgrupper ses som legitima mål för en motståndare skapas ett problem och ett dilemma om svenska sjukvårdsgrupper bör bära det Röda Korset för att få de skydd som den internationella humanitära rätten ger, eller om gruppen i stället bör skyddas genom att inte utmärka dem med det Röda Korset. Syftet med arbetet är att utforska, om en sjukvårdsgrupp bör bära det Röda Korset eller inte, genom att besvara frågeställningen: Vad händer med en sjukvårdsgrupps skydd när de inte bär det Röda Korset, utifrån skyddslökens lager? Slutsatsen är att skyddet kommer att öka på sjukvårdsgruppen om de inte bär det Röda Korset, men att det då måste beslutas på högre nivåer och alla i Försvarsmakten måste göra likadant. De reglementen som finns för dagens sjukvårdtaktik behöver ses över och revideras då den tänkta motståndaren inte följer krigets lagar som de är tänkta att göra. Sjukvårdsgruppers uppträdande behöver också ändras för att deras egna skydd ska kunna öka ytterligare. / Medical tactics today are based on the regulations and manuals where medical units wear the Red Cross to get the protection that international humanitarian law gives. These laws apply in armed conflicts and must be respected by all parts in a conflict. Despite these laws, attacks targeting healthcare facilities still occur. Most recently in Russia's invasion of Ukraine, according to the WHO, there have been 859 attacks on medical units. When medical units are seen as legitimate targets for an adversary, it creates a problem and a dilemma as to how Swedish medical units should wear the red cross to receive the protections that international humanitarian law provides, or whether one should instead protect medical units by not using the Red Cross.  The aim of this essay is to explore, if a medical unit should wear the Red Cross or not by answering the question: What happens to a medical unit’s protection when they don't wear the Red Cross, based on the layer of system survivability? The conclusion is that protection will increase for the health care group if not wearing the Red Cross, but it must be joint decisions within the Armed Forces, and everyone must do the same.  The regulations that exist for today's medical unit tactics need to be reviewed and revised as the adversaries that exist today do not follow the laws of war as they are supposed to. Medical units’ tactics need to be changed so that their own protection can increase.

This study investigates the legal and ethical challenges posed by cyber warfare in the ongoing Russian-Ukraine war. Cyber warfare represents a transition from traditional conflict dynamics, impacting civilian populations and national security without direct physical confrontations. The significance of this research is the inadequacy of current legal norms that govern the rapidly evolving techniques of cyber-attacks which challenge established norms of International Humanitarian Law. Hence, the research question explores how cyber warfare challenges existing legal and ethical norms for civilian protection, and what the broader implications are for the regulation of modern conflicts. Through a qualitative case study approach, the thesis analyses three cases of Russian cyber-attacks on Ukrainian civilian infrastructure: the 2015 attack on the Ukrainian power grid, the 2023 cyber-attack on Kyivstar, and the 2022 Asylum Ambuscade. In the simplified legal framework by Hoffman and Rumsey, these cases were analysed using the Tallinn Manual, and Mary Kaldor’s New Wars theory to highlight the challenges and violations of IHL. The findings conclude that the IHL framework is insufficient for the unique challenges of cyber warfare. Moreover, the study addresses for the revaluation and updating of international legal norms to keep up with the constant development of cyber warfare. In all, this thesis showcases the need for enhanced legal standards that can safeguard civilian populations and maintain international security, contributing to the fields of international law and conflict resolution.

Sverige har genom åren ratificierat en mängd internationella traktater inom folkrättens område som gäller vid krig och konflikt. Enligt Totalförsvarets folkrättsförordning ska de bevakningsansvariga myndigheterna ha kunskap om folkrättens regelverk i krig. Myndigheten för samhällsskydd och beredskap har till uppgift att erbjuda utbildning i det folkrättsliga regelverket i krig till dessa myndigheter. Denna uppsats ämnar därför undersöka hur denna folkrättsliga utbildning ser ut och hur väl den implementeras i enlighet med det som står i Totalförsvarets folkrättsförordning.

This paper assesses U.S. national security policies in surveillance, detention, interrogation and torture, and targeted killing to determine whether they comport with international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The U.S. is responsible for adhering to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Geneva Conventions. These human rights law documents can be understood through court decisions, congressional statutes, and widely accepted interpretations from organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, and the UN Human Rights Council. Further, this paper offers prescriptions on how international human rights law and international humanitarian law can be updated to better deal with the current war on terror. / text

Kasetinis šaudmuo – tai įprastinis šaudmuo, kurį sudaro dešimtys ar/arba šimtai mažesnių sprogmenų – kasetinio šaudmens vienetų. Kai šaudmuo yra išaunamas nuo žemės ar paleidžiamas iš oro, jo korpusas atsidaro ir jame esantys kasetinio šaudmens vienetai pabyra dideliame plote. Kasetinis šaudmuo – mirtį nešantis ginklas, dėl kurio, skaičiuojant nuo 1965 m., nukentėjo daugiau kaip 100 tūkstančių žmonių. Pažymėtina, kad 98 procentai visų nukentėjusių yra civiliai, o net kas trečias nukentėjęs – vaikas. Šiame darbe atskleidžiamos ir analizuojamos kasetinių šaudmenų techninės savybės, keliančios didžiausią grėsmę civiliams. Taip pat darbe plačiau aptariami tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės principai, labiausiai susiję su kasetinių šaudmenų reguliavimu. Didelis dėmesys darbe skiriamas naujo teisinio instrumento – Konvencijos dėl kasetinių šaudmenų, kuri visiškai uždraudžia konvencijos šalims naudoti, tobulinti, gaminti, jokiais kitais būdais įsigyti, kaupti, saugoti ir pervežti kasetinius šaudmenis, – analizei. Darbo pabaigoje atskleidžiama Lietuvos pozicija kasetinių šaudmenų atžvilgiu ir jos indėlis tarptautiniuose procesuose, siekiant uždrausti šį pavojingą ginklą. / Cluster munitions are conventional weapon containing dozens or hundreds of smaller submunitions. After being dropped from the air or fired from the ground, parent cluster munitions open in the air, releasing and dispersing their submunitions over a wide area. Cluster munitions are deadly weapons that have killed or maimed more than 100 000 people worldwide since 1965. It should be noted that 98 percent of all casualties are civilians, and every third victim is a child. The paper analyses the technical background of the cluster munitions and it looks at what causes the biggest humanitarian harm. The paper further discusses the principal rules of international humanitarian law relevant to the use of cluster munitions. The paper gives much attention to the analysis of a new legal instrument, the ‘Convention on Cluster Munitions’. The Convention prohibits the use, developing, production, acquisition, stockpiling, and transfer of cluster munitions. At the end of the paper the position of Lithuania is revealed in respect of cluster munitions and its contribution in the international processes to ban this dangerous weapon.

Tens of thousands of contractors work for private military and security companies (PMSCs) in armed conflicts around the world, often hired by states to fulfil functions that were once the exclusive domain of the armed forces. In this context, PMSCs have performed a wide range of activities including offensive combat, prisoner interrogation, military advice and training, armed security, intelligence and logistics. The proliferation of PMSCs during the past two decades has challenged conventional conceptions of the state as the primary holder of coercive power in the international arena. Nonetheless, this Thesis argues that the traditional state-centred frameworks of international law remain vitally relevant to the regulation of private security activity in contemporary armed conflict. Three states are in a strong position to influence PMSCs in this context—the state that hires the PMSC, the state in which the company is based or incorporated, and the state in which the company operates—and this capacity for influence enables international law to regulate PMSC activities indirectly using these states as an intermediary. This Thesis critically analyses the pertinent international obligations on these three categories of states and identifies the circumstances in which PMSC misconduct may give rise to state responsibility in each case. It also examines the recent practice of certain key states in order to evaluate their compliance with these obligations. By providing a clear and in-depth analysis of states' international obligations to control PMSCs in armed conflict, this Thesis may not only facilitate the assessment of state responsibility in cases of PMSC misconduct; it may also play an important prospective role in setting standards of conduct for states in relation to the private security industry. This in turn may encourage and assist states to develop their domestic laws and policies in order to improve overall PMSC compliance with international law.

The definition of terrorism in international law The subject of this graduation thesis is to explore problem of defining terrorism in international law. Although it is very broad topic, the thesis has attempted to explore most of the questions this issue has offered. First of all, it examines reasones why define terrorism in international law. Further this study provides information about perception of the term terrorism in the past depending on the political and social conditions and about how the terrorist attacks influenced the effort to find the definition of terrorism. The thesis pays big attention to regional treaty in which terrorism is defined and uses it as a comparison basis for finding the elements of the definition, since regional international treaty law has achieved the biggest success in this area. However, in the last two decades successes have achieved on universal level, especially by the adoption of the International Convention for the Suppression of Financing of Terrorism, which is the first universal agreement binding defines terrorism. This study also introduces the latest development of efforts to create a Comprehensive Convention on the Suppression of International Terrorism, which is, unfortunately, no more than small. Given the decades-long efforts to define terrorism, the...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carolina Assed Ferreira.pdf: 4430682 bytes, checksum: ca7e24bec4fb85caee4c48c1aa2e45a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-30 / This thesis analyses the subject of privatization of war through the action of private military companies (PMC) or private security companies (PSC), in view of their vertiginous growth in the present stage of economic globalization, as well as their relation with the energy issue. It analyses, also, the International Law on war, known as Hague Law, and the International Law on the protection of victims in a situation of armed conflict, known as Geneva Law which, in essence, is the International Humanitarian Law. The thesis contextualizes the subject historically and approaches the manner in which decisions on this subject are treated in the United Nations, verifying their impacts on the world peace process. The role of the private military companies and the responsibility over acts of their contracted people, known as new mercenaries , is analyzed. Finally, taking into account both sides of the same reality, combatants on one side, and the treatment given to victims on the other, final conclusions on the subject are made / O presente trabalho é uma análise do tema da privatização da guerra, por meio da atuação de empresas militares privadas (EMP) ou empresas de segurança privadas (ESP), tendo em vista seu crescimento vertiginoso no atual estágio da globalização econômica, bem como sua relação com a questão energética. Analisa-se o tratamento internacional do direito de guerra, denominado Direito de Haia, e o direito de proteção às vitimas em situação de conflito armado, denominado Direito de Genebra, que, em essência, é o Direito Internacional Humanitário propriamente dito. O trabalho contextualiza historicamente o assunto tratado e aborda a maneira pela qual as decisões sobre essa temática são tratadas no âmbito da Organização das Nações Unidas, verificando seus impactos sobre o processo de paz mundial. Analisa-se o papel das empresas militares privadas e a responsabilização sobre os atos de seus contratados, chamados de novos mercenários . Por fim, verificados os dois lados de uma mesma realidade, combatentes de um lado e o tratamento dispensado às vítimas de outro, são feitas as conclusões finais sobre o tema

The 1990’s did not only see the end of the Cold War, it experienced several man-made humanitarian crises, an emerging debate on the responsibility to protect, and an increased number of sanctions. All at the same time. How does these relate to each other? International economic sanctions can be seen as having the purposes of both punishing and making others comply with certain norms (Galtung, 1967:379). I believe that both of these purposes are visible when imposing sanctions as reactions to violations of international humanitarian law. Because of this, I argue that violations of IHL are likely to be met with sanctions. In this thesis, I study whether or not this hypothesis holds true. Specifically, I test the probability of receiving sanctions after the following IHL rules have been violated: the prohibition of child soldiers, torture, use of terror, one-sided violence and sexual violence. Most research on economic sanctions focuses either on their effect on armed conflict, or exclusively on one international institution. This thesis contributes to the research field by presenting a quantitative study on the effect violations of international humanitarian law can have on the imposition of economic sanctions, and whether there is a difference in how different violations are being reacted to.

Les conflits armés ne sont plus ce qu’ils étaient. D’aucuns annoncent la disparition pure et simple de ceux-ci au profit de formes inédites de violence marqués par la multiplicité des acteurs, par la multiplicité des motifs et par la généralisation de nouvelles stratégies et tactiques. Ainsi, le droit international classique opposant la situation de paix à la situation de conflit armé devient peu efficace. Le droit des droits de l’homme étant conçu pour les temps de paix alors que le droit humanitaire est aménagé pour les temps de guerre, la situation de violence reste en deçà du lex lata.Pourtant, entre ces deux situations, s’interpose des situations de violence dont le régime juridique existant n’est pas suffisamment adapté ou du moins n’est pas assez efficace pour protéger les droits des personnes affectées par les situations de violence interne. L’inadaptation des organes de contrôle du DIDH, jonchée de clauses dérogatoires, de nature plutôt réactive et lente, est complétée par des mécanismes de la responsabilité pénale individuelle peu efficace.Cette thèse ambitionne de poser les balises de la domestication de la violence par le droit, dans la perspective de la protection d’un seuil inaltérable « d’humanité ». De la violence à basse intensité à la violence à haute intensité, notre recherche prend au sérieux ces situations de violence et réfléchit, à travers une approche pragmatique et normative, sur le droit désirable et mécanismes susceptibles de réguler la zone « grise » des situations de violence. S’appuyant sur la diversité des actes de violence répertoriés dans la région des Grands Lacs, cette recherche permet de constater que ces violences ne sont pas soumises à une indétermination fondamentale. Le droit humanitaire est tantôt relayé, tantôt suppléé et tantôt supplanté par les nouveaux mécanismes régulateurs des situations de violence. / The armed conflicts are no longer, what they used to be. It is usually stated that armed conflicts have disappeared and have been replaced by other new forms of violence involving multiplicity of actors, multiplicity of motives and overlapping strategies and tactics. In fact, the classical international law makes a clear distinction between the peaceful and armed conflicts situations. The human rights law was conceived to deal with peaceful situations while humanitarian law deals with times of war. The inadequate monitoring organs of the international human rights law which comprises derogatory clauses supplemented by individual liability criminal mechanisms not effective is the gape.However, between these two situations, there is others situations of violence upon which the existing legal system is not adapted or at least, is not effective to protect the rights of internal violence victims.This thesis intends to point out the regulation if violence by means of law in order to guarantee a permanent doorway for the protection of humanity. From less intensive violence to more intensive violence, this study gives due consideration to both situations of violence and through a normative and pragmatic approach, it gives an insight into the desirable law and appropriate mechanisms which can regulate the « grey » matter resulting from violence. Basing on the variety of charges of violence committed in the Great Lakes Region, this research work shows that these types of violence are not subject to a fundamental indefinite law. The humanitarian law is relayed, replaced or supplanted by new mechanisms regulating the situations of violence.