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<p>Page 114 with a diagram is actually page 116.</p> <p>Page 216 with a diagram is actually page 219.</p> <p>Page 224 with a diagram is actually page 227.</p> <p>Page 273 with a diagram is actually page 276.</p> <p>Page 295 is blank in the hard copy. </p> / <p>The aim of this dissertation is the examination of theoretlcal concepts and assumptions which have informed the study of time in cultural anthropology. In the anthropological literature, the notion of time is recognized as being a uniquely human phenomenon, having a dualistic if not paradoxical nature, that ls, it is simultaneously cyclical and lineal. These two characteristics have been viewed as being separate and opposed to each other. In this dissertation, however, I argue that they are not opposed and separate but are closely intertwined. A multidimensional helical model is employed to illustrates this interconnectedness.</p> <p>I present the view that one key to understanding cyclical and linear characteristics of time can be found in examining the element of contingency. My examination of the role that contingency plays with respect to temporal organization is situated within the context of the culture of southern Labrador where contingency commands a prominent position in the lives of fishers, trappers and hunters and their families. From the ethnographic context, I address some of the important anthropological ideas that have informed the study of time and contingency in anthropology. A framework of key notions or understandings emerge from this examination, namely: (1) that time is dynamic, (2) that cyclical and lineal iii iv aspects of time are interrelated rather than opposed, (3) that time has multidimensionality and finally (4) that contingency in its various environmental and cultural expressions can effect the way in which time is conceptualized and organized. The dissertation is based on fourteen months of field research conducted in the summer of 1976, 1979-1980 and in the fall of 1988.</p> <p>It begins with an examination of anthropological perspectives on the study of time and contingency. I move on 1..0 an exploration of historical and social events which provide a baseline for interpreting the relationship between contingency and time. Next, the contingencies based in the environmental cycle, particularly breakup and freezeup are explored along with adjustive responses employed by Labradorians to accommodate them.</p> <p>The relationship between contingency and predictability are examined in light of work and leisure patterns of women and of men respectively. Family commensal routines provide a venue in which contingency is modulated and predictability is introduced in the daily cycle. While women and men experience different levels of contingency and predictability in their daily lives, a complementary relationship exists between male and female temporal domains. Examination of the daily cycle also reveals that the daily schedule is ordered into domains of public and private time. During ritual time, distinctions between public and private v time, between male and female, and between stranger and friend undergo symbolic inversion. Here contingencies of both the environmental and social sort are celebrated. Disguise, in the form of janneying (masking) and social drinking, provide the vehicle for such inversion. In light of t.his data, questions concerning the effect of contingent events on temporal organization are explored.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Most of the hunting opportunities in Virginia are on private land, and their continued existence is threatened by shrinking wildlife habitat and increasingly restricted public access to remaining wildlife habitat. The availability of land for hunting and reasons landowners restrict access to their land were investigated in four counties in piedmont Virginia. Landowners were surveyed with a mailed questionnaire. The typical respondent was a 55 year old male with a high school education, who was raised in the country, and did some farming and hunting. While about half the respondents posted their land, 90 percent allowed some hunting. Bad experiences with hunters were common, and usually involved trespassing or property damage. Attitudes toward hunters and hunting were generally favorable, but road hunting and non-local hunters met with disapproval. Respondents rated existence and aesthetic values of wildlife much higher than hunting and food values. A regression model of the determinants of access control had low predictive power. The study did find that attitudes towards hunter and road hunting were the best predictors of access control for most respondents, while attitude toward hunting was the best predictor for those who completely prohibited hunting. Landowners’ distrust of non-local hunters and widespread limitation of access to local residents emphasize the need to increase public hunting opportunities near urban areas through incentives to landowners. Altering landowners’ attitudes toward hunters, not toward hunting, seems to be the best way to increase access in general. A more favorable image of hunters can be achieved by improving hunter behavior through effective control of road hunting and promoting hunting ethics. Instilling an ethic of sportsmanship in all hunters is a difficult challenge, but it is the only major solution to landowner-hunter conflicts. / Master of Science

O presente trabalho apresenta o estudo das camadas estratigráficas de três sambaquis situados nos municípios de Jaguaruna e Treze de Maio, Santa Catarina, Brasil. Partimos do princípio de que eles são estruturas erigidas intencionalmente por uma população que habitou a região por aproximadamente 6000 anos, e que para a construção de seus cemitérios se apropriavam do material malacológico disponível na região. O desmembramento dos componentes de cada camada nos forneceu informações a respeito do material construtivo dos sítios, e a partir destes resultados foi possível testar algumas hipóteses sobre a mudança da matriz construtiva verificada nos sambaquis. / This work presents the study of stratigraphical layers of three sambaquis located on Jaguaruna and Treze de Maio, Santa Catarina, Brazil. We assume that such structures were intentionally built by a population that inhabited the region for over 6000 years, and that for the pilling up of their burial grounds they gathered malacological material available within the area. The breakdown of the elements of each layer provided us information regarding the construction material of the sites, and based on these results it was possible to test some hypothesis regarding a change on the constructive matrix recorded on the sambaquis.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-06-28T16:09:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Osvaldo André Oliveira_.pdf: 10816055 bytes, checksum: 50384491a058f8b9850dc0b8c392cd05 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-28T16:09:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Osvaldo André Oliveira_.pdf: 10816055 bytes, checksum: 50384491a058f8b9850dc0b8c392cd05 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-17 / UNISINOS - Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / Nos últimos 40 anos, estudos arqueológicos (sintetizados em Oliveira et al., 2003; Oliveira e Teixeira, 2005 a,b e c; Oliveira, 2006) apontam que a principal ocupação humana pré-colonial da planície costeira do extremo Sul do Brasil, na região dos municípios de Santa Vitória do Palmar e Chuí, estaria relacionada a grupos construtores de cerritos. Por outro lado, os sítios arqueológicos registrados através do “Banco de Dados Arqueológicos e Paleontológicos do Litoral Sudeste do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil (BDAP)”, segundo Oliveira (2006), mostram que nesta área também existem outros tipos de sítios, associados a populações e momentos cronológicos distintos, tais como sítios erodidos sobre dunas (localizados na faixa litorânea) e sítios de encosta (nas bordas de banhados da Lagoa Mangueira). Além desses, ocorrem também sítios até agora pouco conhecidos e não estudados, que são o foco de estudo dessa tese, localizados na margem leste da Lagoa Mirim, constituindo-se basicamente de material lítico lascado, com significativa ocorrência de pontas de projétil, que foram denominados sítios líticos da margem da Lagoa Mirim. A região, como um todo, é caracterizada (Villwock e Tomazzelli, 1995) como uma ampla planície costeira, onde campos, banhados, lagoas e áreas úmidas associadas constituem a paisagem dominante. No município de Santa Vitória do Palmar, as margens da Lagoa Mirim ocupam toda a extensão de seu território até limites com o município de Rio Grande (ao Norte) e, através do arroio São Luiz e alagados (ao Sul), faz fronteira com o Uruguai. A partir de cronologias estabelecidas por vários autores (Schmitz et al, 1991; Mentz Ribeiro, 1999; Consens, 2004 entre outros) para a ocupação inicial desses grupos caçadores e coletores na região sul do Brasil e norte do Uruguai, acreditamos que a ocupação dos sítios líticos da margem da Lagoa Mirim tenha se dado entre 10.000 a 6.000 anos A. P., ao final de um período de intensa regressão marinha, que teve seu auge por volta de 18/17.000 A.P., no qual o Sistema Lagunar Patos-Mirim (dentro dele a Lagoa Mirim) havia se transformado em uma larga planície fluvial, onde rios como Jaguarão, Cebolatti, Taquari entre outros, dissecavam os antigos depósitos marinho-lagunares, formando pequenos vales (Villwock e Tomazzelli, 1995). Esses grupos teriam se estabelecido às margens daqueles paleovales, que convergiam para a porção nordeste da atual lagoa, antes de desaguarem no oceano, através da região do atual Banhado do Taim. Esses grupos, possivelmente oriundos da região do vale do Rio Negro, no atual Uruguai, teriam encontrado ali condições adequadas para desenvolverem seu modo de vida. A partir do pico transgressivo holocênico, por volta de 5.000 A.P., os vales são novamente afogados e inicia-se um novo ciclo de formação da paleolaguna Mirim, até ser novamente isolada, formando a lagoa como hoje a conhecemos. A partir desse momento, um novo ciclo de ocupação se desenvolve, com os construtores de cerritos, nas áreas alagadiças ao longo de arroios, nos terraços da recém-formada Lagoa da Mangueira e nas áreas de campos de dunas, na costa. / In the last four decades, archaeological research (synthesized in Oliveira et al. 2003; Oliveira and Teixeira, 2005a,b; Oliveira 2006) points out that the main precolonial inhabitants of the southern coastal plains of Brazil, in the region of Santa Vitória do Palmar and Chuí, was the constructors of earth mounds, locally known as cerritos, of the Vieira tradition. However, the archaeological sites recorded by the “Banco de Dados Arqueológicos e Paleontológicos do Litoral Sudeste do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil (BDAP)”, according to Oliveira (2006) shows that there would have been another types of sites, associated to different populations and distinctive chronological moments, such as eroded sites over sand dunes (located in the coastal zone) and slope sites, located in the fringes of Lagoa Mangueira marshes. Besides of them, there are also sites that are, until now, poor known and no research have been made until now, wich are the focus of this study. The sites, located along the oriental margin of the Lagoa Mirim, are composed basically by flaked lithic material with significant presence of projectile points. The region, as a whole, is characterized (Villwock and Tomazelli, 1995) as a large coastal plain where grasslands, marshes, lagoons and moist areas conform the dominant landscape. In Santa Vitória do Palmar, the fringes of the Lagoa Mirim occupy all the extension of its territory up to Rio Grande (at North) as far as the Uruguai border (at South). Given the stablished chronologies by various authors (such as Schmitz et al., 1991; Mentz Ribeiro, 1999 and Consens, 2004 among others) to the inicial occupation of the Southern Brazil and northern Uruguai by hunters and gatherers with projectile poits, we believe that the occupation of the lithic sites in the oriental fringes of the Lagoa Mirim takes place between 10.000 to 6.000 years B. P., at the end of an intensive marine regression that reached its height at about 18/17.000 years B. P., in wich the Patos-Mirim lagune system changed into a large aluvial plain, where rivers such as Jaguarão, Cebolatti, Taquari among others run over ancients marine-lagune deposits, forming small valleys (Villwock and Tomazzelli, 1995). This groups would have stablished in the terraces of the paleovalleys that converged to the northeast of the present lake, before to drain at the Atlantic Ocean, through the present Banhado do Taim. These groups, possibly derived of the valley of Rio Negro region, have found in that place suitable conditions to develop their way of life. As from the holocenic transgressive height, at about 5.000 years B. P., the valleys are again drowned and starts a new cycle of formation of the Mirim paleolake, until it be isolated, forming the lake as we know today. From now on, a new cycle of human occupation also develops, with the cerrito builders in the marsh areas along creeks and streams, in the terraces of the newly formed Lagoa Mangueira and in the sand dune fields of the atlantic coast.

<p>This thesis in social anthropology is based on interviews with four hunters from the middle of Sweden. It is about how the hunters get their traditional knowledge and how important it is to grow up and live in rural areas for the knowledge and understanding of hunting. The essay is also about the difference between the hunters from rural areas and the hunters from urban areas. It also examines how the rural hunters speak about the true and real hunter.</p>

This thesis in social anthropology is based on interviews with four hunters from the middle of Sweden. It is about how the hunters get their traditional knowledge and how important it is to grow up and live in rural areas for the knowledge and understanding of hunting. The essay is also about the difference between the hunters from rural areas and the hunters from urban areas. It also examines how the rural hunters speak about the true and real hunter.

This thesis introduces <em>Interstitial Urbanity</em> as a strategy for addressing issues of urbanity and place within New York's peripheral developments. Driven primarily by market forces, these developer led office and condominium complexes are currently being constructed along the post-industrial shorelines of New York's outer boroughs. Interstitial urbanity proposes an urban centre: a fragment of place within a non-place settlement. The theory is manifested in the design of an interstice that sits within the Queens West development on the Long Island City waterfront. Taking the form of a multi-layered public space, the interstice is comprised of a waterfront market square flanked by a commuter train terminal and an arts centre housed in a turn of the century power plant.

This thesis introduces <em>Interstitial Urbanity</em> as a strategy for addressing issues of urbanity and place within New York's peripheral developments. Driven primarily by market forces, these developer led office and condominium complexes are currently being constructed along the post-industrial shorelines of New York's outer boroughs. Interstitial urbanity proposes an urban centre: a fragment of place within a non-place settlement. The theory is manifested in the design of an interstice that sits within the Queens West development on the Long Island City waterfront. Taking the form of a multi-layered public space, the interstice is comprised of a waterfront market square flanked by a commuter train terminal and an arts centre housed in a turn of the century power plant.

Research has shown that trust is essential to the functioning of co-management. This is especially true in the Territory of Nunavut where wildlife is an integral part of the lifestyle and culture of Nunavummiut (the people inhabiting Nunavut). In Nunavut, wildlife is managed by a co-management board situated in between federal, territorial, regional, and community governments and organizations. This research explores Inuit attitudes and trust in managing wildlife as part of a co-management system in the Kivalliq Region of Nunavut, Canada. Interviews were conducted in the communities of Igluligaarjuk (Chesterfield Inlet), Tikirarjauq (Whale Cove), and Qamani’tuaq (Baker Lake). Even now with the 1993 settlement of the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement (NLCA) and the implementation of a public government in 1999, there is documented evidence that beneficiaries of the NLCA are dissatisfied with wildlife management decisions and do not trust the governing process of co-management. In this study, participants specifically indicated dissatisfaction with regulations and outcomes of current polar bear co-management. It has been predicted that conflicts specific to polar bear management could lead to regulations being ignored or even defied and endanger the entire system of wildlife co-management. Results from this research indicate that dissatisfaction over decisions involving polar bears is dominantly compartmentalized towards the outcomes of polar bear management and does not necessarily apply to the broader system of wildlife co-management. Therefore, in the Kivalliq Region, predicted impacts of dissatisfaction over polar bear co-management may apply directly to the polar bear co-management system but likely not the wildlife co-management system generally. This study provides a forum where Inuit trust in the wildlife co-management system is documented and I hope it will contribute to an increased understanding of Inuit goals in wildlife management and to the discourses on co-management in Nunavut.