Thesis (M.A.)--Northern Michigan University, 2009. / "14-62728." Bibliography: leaf 66.

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2001. / Bibliography: leaves 222-229.

The Olieboomspoort (OBP) shelter is central to this reconstruction of the Later Stone Age (LSA) history in the lowlands of the Limpopo in the Waterberg. The archaeological excavations were undertaken to answer questions that arose during previous research conducted on the plateau. OBP was clearly an important place in the landscape over time. Preliminary excavations established a sequence of occupations that began with the apparent intermittent use of the shelter by Early Stone Age people who left some of their large cutting tools on what is now bedrock. Subsequently, during the many thousands of years that humans frequented OBP during the Middle Stone Age (MSA), they brought in enormous quantities of lithics. OBP is cited for the remarkably large assemblages of ochre recovered from the MSA contexts (Mason 1962, 1988; Volman 1984; Watts 1998, 2002; Mitchell 2002; Wadley 2005a), but my recent research demonstrates a similar focus on the collection of haematite and ochre during the more recent periods. Such iron oxides feature prominently during ritual activities and in symbolic behaviour of modern hunter-gatherers and it is likely that they also did so in the past. The Holocene occupational sequence is extensive, but my excavations and analyses focussed on the last 2000 years of complex LSA history. Apart from the remarkably large lithic assemblage and many thousands of ostrich eggshell beads and blanks produced at OBP, favourable preservation conditions resulted in the recovery of a wide range of tool types made from organic materials, as well as a representative assemblage of macroscopic plant taxa. The data are used to demonstrate how the formal spaces were differentially structured over time by multi-band clusters and small hearth groups to meet their particular social and economic requirements. The differential use of space through time, and the spatial distributions of the different classes of material remains and waste, are explored by using a model of unconstrained cluster analysis (UCA) (Whallon 1984). As the OBP deposits are palimpsests of repeated visits, the UCA, which defines broad boundaries within distinct clustering, detailed general trends in behaviour and site use, and highlighted how the use of shelter space changed when only nuclear groups frequented OBP during the more recent period. Data from the last 2000 years of occupation at OBP chronicle some of the responses of the hunter-gatherers to rapid change in the area as a result of advancing social, economic and political frontiers. The two main pulses of intensification at approximately 2000 BP and again at 1500 BP correspond to the movement of herders and African farmers into the lowlands of the Waterberg. OBP remained a central venue for the aggregation of multi-band groups for more than a thousand years before and during the initial contact period. During these alliance visits, diverse socio-economic activities resulted in the deposition of a rich lithic and non-lithic assemblage. The lithic assemblage is characteristic of classic Wilton. Cryptocrystalline silicas and quartz crystals were the preferred materials used to produce a comprehensive range of formal microliths, and felsites featured prominently in the production of larger tool types. Demographic changes following on contact are underscored by marked changes in site use. Over the last few hundred years the incremental decrease in the production of all classes of subsistence goods reflects social disintegration. In as much as there are evidently continuities in the material culture, the markedly lower frequencies of the lithics and a sharp decrease in the production of decorative items such as ostrich eggshell beads make it likely that only nuclear groups continued to frequent the shelter. Changes in site use, intrusive economic elements, and the production of the different rock arts suggest some fundamental transformations in the economic and ideational landscape. On the Waterberg Plateau similar post-contact changes were evident in the archaeological assemblages. The Waterberg Mountain Bushveld of the plateau cannot support such a large and varied animal biomass as the Limpopo Sweet Bushveld (Estes 1991; Low & Rebelo 1998; Driver et al. 2005; Skinner & Chimimba 2005), and the intensive occupation of this region from approximately 800 years ago parallelled the movement of farming communities onto the plateau. The archaeological data as well as historic documents emphasise that huntergatherers participated in complex interaction networks. The expansion of indigenous farmer settlements ultimately enforced the displacement of many of the hunter-gatherers, whereas others were incorporated into farmer polities. Contemporary lithic assemblages on the Waterberg Plateau are characteristic of the post-classic Wilton stone tool technology, and felsite and quartz crystals were the preferred raw materials. Whereas the composition of the archaeological assemblages of the lowlands and plateau corresponds broadly, the differential use of raw materials, a broader range of subsistence tools and decorative items, and much higher frequencies of all tool types at OBP demonstrate the central position of this locality within the hunter-gatherer landscape. The environment not only provided sustenance, but OBP became a social space with real meaning linked to the identities of the people who frequented the locality over thousands of years. The regional differentiation found within the Waterberg is parallelled by the sequences in the Soutpansberg (Van Doornum 2005) where similar differential use of a particular environment underscores the diversity and complexity evident in hunter-gatherer lifestyles.At OBP a representative assemblage of African farmer ceramics and a markedly larger collection of Bambata ceramics also contrast with sites on the plateau where mostly Eiland farmer pottery and a few sherds of Bambata were present. The ceramic sequence contains a particularly fine collection of the enigmatic Bambata, the stylistic origins of which are addressed in the discussion. The identities of the users and makers of the distinctive densely decorated and thin-walled early ceramics collectively known as Bambata have not yet been resolved. Whereas the paintings certainly indicate the presence of herders on the landscape, it is not clear whether they or the African farmers introduced the Bambata to the huntergatherers who were indisputably using most of the ceramics, as suggested by their continued presence and production of lithic and non-lithic assemblages at OBP. There is also a full complement of the local Early to Late African farmer pottery traditions of Happy Rest, Eiland, Broadhurst, and Icon/Moloko. The San, herder and indigenous farmer paintings, which are representative of the regional sequences, illustrate the continuing central role of OBP. Rock art is widely recognized to reflect religious beliefs and social concerns. The San rock art also served as a medium through which power relations were negotiated between first peoples and newcomers. The region is a renowned repository of rock art. The different arts and their contents complement the findings based on the excavations and the vast body of southern African ethnography. The data are applied to explore how OBP served as an arena where people with different world views and customs performed their ritual and social practices. Historical documents on the Waterberg confirm the archaeological data that suggest a gradual disintegration of hunter-gatherer organisation, and their ultimate displacement to the fringes of African farmer and colonist polities. Small dispersed groups of hunter-gatherers continued to wander through the lowlands of the Limpopo or withdrew to areas where they felt safe from oppression. Some moved across the border to Botswana and into the Kalahari. The remainder were gradually incorporated into farmer societies through intermarriage or as subordinates, living either at farmer villages or in their own small settlements. Today very few traces of the Waterberg hunters, gatherers and fishers remain apart from some corrupted names of places where they once lived.

Swedish hunters sometimes appeal to an inviolate ‘right to exist’ for wolves, apparently rejecting NIMBY. Nevertheless, the conditions existence hunters impose on wolves in practice fundamentally contradict their use of right to exist language. Hunters appeal to this language hoping to gain uptake in a conservation and management discourse demanding appropriately objective ecological language. However, their contradictory use of ‘right to exist' opens them up to the charge that they are being deceptive–indeed, right to exist is a 'disguised NIMBY!' We address this situation by distinguishing hunters’ criticisms of wolves from the procedures for reaching objective policy decisions.

Hunter education began in the 1930's and 1940's in response to an increasing number of hunting accidents. Early programs focused on gun safety. Later, emphasis shifted to a balance between gun safety and hunter ethics. Virginia's Hunter Education Program in 1980 had been operating on a voluntary basis for 20 years and had more than 250,000 graduates. The program was six hours in duration and was taught by game wardens and volunteer instructors. Classes were given to anyone 12 years of age or older, but students in public schools were the primary targets. Though Virginia's program had been in effect for many years, no formal evaluation as to the effectiveness of hunter education had been conducted. The present study was designed to provide a comprehensive evaluation of Virginia's Hunter Education Program. The study was conducted in three phases. Phase one involved development of a new student examination for use in pre- and post-test knowledge assessment. Seven typical hunter education classes and one class of game warden recruits were tested in 1982. Test scores improved approximately 16 percent. The hunter education program seemed to be increasing students' knowledge of safe and ethical hunting. However, due to design and measurement weaknesses, no strong conclusions about the effectiveness of the hunter education program in improving students' knowledge can be made. Phase two was a participant observational study of dove hunters at two wildlife management areas in Virginia. The purpose of this phase was to compare hunting behavior of hunter education graduates versus those hunters who had not taken the course. The 112 hunters observed during the 1981 and 1982 season were later mailed a questionnaire designed to gather information on the individual hunter's experience, interest in, commitment to, and knowledge of hunting as well as some demographic characteristics. Observational and questionnaire data were combined into 32 variables and correlated with the hunter education variable. No meaningful correlations were found. Therefore, hunter education seemed to have little effect on hunters' behavior in the field. Phase three was a naturalistic inquiry evaluation of how the program was being implemented and received throughout Virginia. In-depth interviews were conducted with 57 people closely involved with hunter education. The primary purpose of this phase was to discover problems in the program and recommend solutions. The primary problems were lack of effective leadership and lack of internal agency support. Major recommendations included moving the entire program into the Education Division and creating a strong hunter safety coordinator position. Overall, the three-phased evaluation revealed that Virginia's Hunter Education Program lacked effective leadership, was being poorly implemented, and seemed to have little effect on hunters' behavior in the field. Though these results were obtained in Virginia, the investigator believes that the same results might apply to most other hunter education programs across the country. / Ph. D.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation examines the identity of hunters, sportsmen and their associated communities in two diverse regions of southern Africa during the last two decades of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth centuries. It argues that this was a critical period during which new patterns of hunting and local tradition were created. In the eastern Cape districts of Albany, Fort Beaufort and Bathurst kudu and buffalo were hunted pursuant to permits granted in terms of the Game Act, 1886. An analysis of the identity of those to whom these permits were granted or refused provides insights into power, connection and influence amongst the English-speaking colonial elite of the region who sought to control the right to hunt “royal game”. It also reveals their interaction with civil servants who exercised the power to grant or withhold the privilege. Kudu were transferred from public to private ownership, through a process of “privatization” and “commodification” on enclosed private land, and there preserved for sporting purposes by the local rural gentry. The survival – and even growth – in numbers of kudu in the region was achieved in these private spaces. Buffalo, on the other hand, were hunted into local extinction notwithstanding their protection as “royal game”. In the north-eastern Transvaal Lowveld wild animals in public ownership were hunted by a wide variety of hunters with competing interests. The identity of the “lost” Lowveld hunters, previously hidden from history, including an important but overlooked component of elite recreational hunters from the eastern Cape, is explored as a window into the history of hunting in the region prior to the establishment of game reserves. Both the identity and networks of these hunters and sportsmen are considered in the context of enduring concerns about race, class, gender and the exercise of power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die identiteit van die jagters, sportmanne en die gepaardgaande gemeenskappe in twee verskillende streke van Suider-Afrika gedurende die laaste twee dekades van die negentiende en die eerste dekade van die twintigste eeu. Dit voer aan dat hierdie 'n kritieke tydperk was waartydens nuwe patrone van jag en plaaslike tradisie geskep is. In die Oos-Kaapse distrikte van Albany, Fort Beaufort en Bathurst is die jag op koedoes en buffels toegelaat op grond van permitte toegestaan in terme van die Wild Wet, 1886. Die ontleding van die identiteit van diegene aan wie hierdie permitte toegestaan of geweier was, bied insae oor die uitoefening van mag, verhoudings en invloed onder die Engelssprekende koloniale elite van die streek, wat probeer het om beheer uit te oefen oor die jag van die “koninklike wild”. Dit openbaar ook hul interaksie met staatsamptenare wat hulle magte gebruik het om permitte uit te ruik of te weerhou. Eienaarskap van koedoes was oorgedra vanaf openbare na privaat besit, deur 'n proses van "privatisering " en "kommodifikasie" op geslote private grond, met die verstandhouding dat dit vir sport – doeleindes deur die plaaslike landelike burger gebruik kon word. Die oorlewing – en selfs groei – in die getal koedoes in die streek is behaal in die private besit. Buffels, aan die ander kant, is tot plaaslike uitwissing gejag ondanks hul beskerming as "koninklike wild". In die Noord-Oos Transvaalse Laeveld is wilde diere in openbare besit gejag deur 'n wye verskeidenheid van jagters met mededingende belange. Die identiteit van die "verlore" Laeveld jagters, voorheen verborge in die geskiedenis, wat 'n belangrike maar oor die hoof verwaarloosde komponent van elite rekreasionele jagters van die Oos-Kaap insluit, word ondersoek as 'n venster op die geskiedenis van jag in die streek voor die totstandkoming van wildreservate. Beide die identiteit en netwerke van hierdie jagters en sportmanne word beskou in die konteks van blywende belangstelling met ras, klas, geslag en die uitoefening van mag.

Vildsvinstammen har ökat snabbt i södra och centrala Sverige sedan några individer rymde ifrån fångenskap på 1970-talet. Vildsvin har aptit för jordbruksgrödor vilket resulterar i en konkurrens om dessa grödor mellan arterna människan och vildsvin i en s.k. interspecifik konkurrens. Detta utgör i sin tur en konflikt mellan jordbrukare och vildsvin. Denna konflikt verkar även förvärras av jägares förvaltningsmetoder som, enligt lantbrukare, innefattar ett bristande jakttryck och utfodring i för stor skala. Mina resultat kunde visa en konflikt mellan jägare och lantbrukare som även verkar förvärras på organisationsnivå, d.v.s. Jägareförbundet respektive Lantbrukarnas riksförbund (LRF). Vildsvin anses som oönskade av flera respondenter och samtliga tycker att jakt är viktigt. Det finns olika sätt att öka lantbrukares toleransnivå för vildsvin i lantbruk vilket i sin tur kan minska konflikten mellan lantbrukare och vildsvin. Icke-dödliga förvaltningsmetoder bör vara anpassade för vildsvinens fysiska förutsättningar för att minska skador på lantbruk. Dödliga förvaltningsmetoder som jakt bör innefatta en snabb död för vildsvinet, vilket kräver god kommunikation mellan jägare samt tränade hundar i syfte att leta reda på det skjutna vildsvinet ifall det första skottet inte var dödligt. / Wild boar population has increased rapidly in the south and central parts of Sweden since some individuals escaped from captivity in the 1970s. Wild boars have an appetite for agricultural crops resulting in a competition for these crops between the species man and wild boar, in a so-called interspecific competition. This in turn represents a conflict between farmers and wild boar. Management practices by hunters seem to enlarge the conflict, according to farmers there is a lack of hunting pressure and too much feeding. My results could show a conflict between hunters and farmers, which seems to worsen at an organizational level, Association of Hunters and the Federation of Farmers. Wild boar is considered as undesirable by several respondents and all of them agree that hunting is important. There are various ways to increase farmers' tolerance for wild boar in agriculture, which in turn can reduce the conflict between farmers and wild boar. To have an effect, nonlethal control should be appropriate for the physical conditions of wild boar. Lethal control should include a quick death for the wild boar, which requires good communication between hunters and trained dogs in order to locate the shot wild boar in case the first shot was not fatal.

As pesquisas em ecologia isotópica aplicadas à arqueologia têm se desenvolvido amplamente nas últimas duas décadas em todo o mundo, porém poucos trabalhos direcionados unicamente para essa área foram produzidos no país. Este trabalho tem por objetivo gerar dados para testar dois modelos contrastantes sobre as estratégias de subsistência empregadas por sociedades pré-históricas do Brasil Central, desde o final do Período Pleistoceno (ca. 12.000 anos A.P.) até o final do Holoceno utilizando isótopos estáveis como ferramenta de análise. Para tal foram utilizadas amostras de material ósseo arqueológico humano e faunístico provenientes de duas regiões do Brasil Central: Lagoa Santa e Vale do Peruaçu, Minas Gerais. Deste material foram extraídas amostras de colágeno que foram analisadas em um espectrômetro de massa a fim de obter valores de 13C e 15N. Os resultados obtidos para as populações humanas apontam para uma dieta onívora em ambas, com uma forte tendência ao consumo de recursos vegetais em comparação com as demais espécies analisadas da cadeia trófica. Os indivíduos mais jovens de Lagoa Santa (até 5 anos de idade) apresentaram uma diferença estatística significativa nos valores de 15N quando comparados aos demais indivíduos da mesma região, demonstrando assim uma tendência na população a um prolongamento da amamentação. Foram encontradas também evidências de uma possível alteração climática no Vale do Peruaçu a partir da variação de 15N em Kerodon rupestris no decorrer do Holoceno. O sítio de Santana do Riacho, na região de Lagoa Santa apresentou prováveis indícios da presença de milho com dois indivíduos de Cavia aperea que sinalizaram uma dieta tipicamente consumidora de plantas C4 (média 13C= -12,19 e 15N= 2,63) estatisticamente distinta dos demais indivíduos da amostra, entretanto como o espaço amostral é reduzido mais analises são necessárias para confirmar essa tendência. / Research in the field of isotopic ecology applied to archaeology has been in constant development for the past two decades, however only a few studies had been made towards this area in Brazil. This study has the objective of generating data to test two contrasting models regarding the strategies of subsistence used by pre-historical societies of Central Brazil, since the end of the Pleistocene (ca. 12.000 years B.P.) and during the Holocene using stable isotopes as an analytic tool. For such, there had been used faunistic and human archaeological bone samples, from two different regions of Central Brazil: Lagoa Santa and Vale do Peruaçu, Minas Gerais state. From this material collagen samples were extracted and, afterwards, analyzed in a mass spectrometer in order to obtain the 13C and 15N values. The results obtained for both human populations indicate a typically omnivorous diet, with a strong tendency towards vegetable consumption if compared with the other animals used in the trophic web characterization. The young human individuals from Lagoa Santa (up to 5 years old) show a statistically different 15N values if compared to the rest of the human remains from the same population, showing a tendency for extensive breastfeeding age. It was also found evidence of a possible climatic change at Vale do Peruaçu around Middle Holocene demonstrated by 15N variations in Kerodon rupestris. Santana do Riacho site, in the Lagoa Santa region showed probable indications of maize presence, as two Cavia aperea samples yielded typical C4 plant consumption (average 13C= -12.19 and 15N= 2.63) also proving to be statistically different from the other individuals of the same species in the whole sample, on the other hand as the sample size is too small and more analysis are needed in order to confirm this tendency.

Bayview-Hunters Point, a neighborhood in southeastern San Francisco, has long been one of the most impoverished and polluted areas in the city. In an example of environmental racism, much of the African American community in San Francisco was segregated to Bayview-Hunters Point by racist housing policies and practices. This neighborhood was home to the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard (HPNS), which was widely polluted with hazardous wastes from shipyard operation as well as radioactive contamination from the Navy Radiological Defense Laboratory established on this property. The former HPNS was made a federal Superfund site in 1989 and has been in remediation by the Navy since, with the goal of eventual transfer of the land to the city of San Francisco for redevelopment into residential and commercial areas. Throughout the history of the HPNS, government agencies have obscured both radioactive contamination and the nearby disadvantaged community in pursuit of military and economic power. As a result, the forces of redevelopment have outpaced remediation in Hunters Point. In this thesis, I argue that in continuing the environmental racism marginalizes the community in Bayview-Hunters Point and working to hide the contamination at the nearby Superfund site government agencies, primarily the Navy and city government, have fostered the conditions for green gentrification to occur, which could have ill effects on both the longstanding community and new residents.

All over the world, Carnival is a time for a break in human activities, and inversion of the usual hierarchies. In New Orleans, Carnival is a time when the powerless take over the streets, and, for a time, invert control and ownership. One of the New Orleans carnival organizations are the Mardi Gras Indians, groups of African Americans who dress as Indians during the day and take over the streets of their neighborhoods, showing their power and beauty in a breathtaking display of costumes, music and dance. The Masking of the Mardi Gras Indian is a tradition dating back to at least the early nineteenth century. The Creole Wild West were the first named Indian tribe on record in 1884 but this does not mean they were the only or earliest tribe to mask. In the beginning some gangs would get together on Mardi Gras but did not mask under a proper name. The Mardi Gras Indian practice is a practice rooted in resistance to white oppression and African Americans’ demands for inclusion in the city’s Mardi Gras celebrations. The history of Mardi Gras Indians in New Orleans is not limited to the East Bank of the Mississippi River but is also includes residents on the West Bank, specifically in the neighborhood of Algiers. Within the Algiers neighborhood there are several different sections. Probably the most well known section, Algiers Point, consisted of mostly white residents. The Oakdale area, later known as the Fischer Housing Development, and the Cut-Off, an area that borders the bayous of Plaquemines Parish consisted of mostly African Americans. Although the origins of Indians masking on both sides of the River is a point of debate among scholars, some evidence suggests that Indians from Algiers masked as early as the early twentieth century. This thesis is an examination of the longest-running tribe in Algiers, the Mohawk Hunters who started out in the Oakdale area but currently most of their members now reside in the Cut-Off area. Using archival material as well as recently conducted oral histories, it explores the relationship between the Algiers Indian tradition and the more well-known groups on the East Bank. By their deep attachment to their neighborhood, despite its separation from the rest of New Orleans by the Mississippi River, they have helped to strengthen the Mardi Gras Indians’ neighborhood-bound traditions of community service and youth education. Not many people are privy to some of the information that was passed along to me through the oral interviews conducted but my personal connection to some the Mohawk Hunters, including my cousin Charles “Cubby” Dillon, possibly allowed me to gain a deeper look into the organization. I was able to use text messages for follow-up questions and this was access most interviewers may not have had. Although few residents on the East Bank know of their existence, they are a model of the community-engaged, twenty-first century Mardi Gras Indians.