No

Denna studie argumenterar för att dagens mediesamhälle fungerar som en hybrid, där sociala medier och traditionella medier lever och verkar i symbios. Det som får tillräckligt stor spridning på sociala medier kan påverka nyhetsdagordningen och därmed vad allmänheten anser vara viktigt för tillfället. Detta är betydelsefullt för biståndsorganisationer som, för att kunna nå ut till många och öka chanserna till att samla in pengar, är i behov av att deras sak får plats på dagordningen. Studien baseras på en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av samtliga publicerade videoklipp av Sverige för UNHCR på Facebook under 2015. Variablerna baserades på teorier om viralitet, som ursprungligen har utvecklats inom marknadsföring. Där ingick teori om social delning av känslor, social nätverksteori, self-determination theory samt marknadsföringsmodellen ”the Dragonfly effect”. Studien visade hur teorierna kunde utnyttjas även i detta sammanhang, om de anpassades utifrån kontexten. Resultatet visade att the Dragonfly effect tycks vara en lämplig modell i denna kontext. Videon ”Search for Syria” utmärkte sig i detta urval, genom att ha högst antal visningar kombinerat med en förhållandevis hög andel användarresponser, som bidrar till spridningen. Alla fyra steg inom Dragonfly-modellen kunde identifieras i denna video, vilket indikerar att detta är en lämplig modell för att öka chansen till spridning i denna kontext. Studien fann också att urvalet av videoklipp generellt inte var konstruerade på ett sätt som uppmuntrar till spridning. Vidare noterades att starka känslomässiga inslag, så som provokativa och obehagliga scener, förekommer mer i videor som fått flest visningar. Samtidigt tycks videoklipp med en större andel positiva och hoppfulla inslag få större användarrespons i form av ”gillningar”, kommentarer och delningar.

A body of research has established the political relevance of Social Media (SM) platforms for populist parties, claiming that populist politicians utilize a ‘bypassing-strategy’. However, the rather reluctant employment of Facebook and Twitter by German citizens other than, for example, media professionals and politicians, raises questions of the utilization intention for public actors. Even though multiple scholars already indicated the necessity of research on the ‘embeddedness of digital tools’ in journalists’ routines (Jungherr, 2016: 374) such studies remain scarce. Therefore this study aims to shed light on how power is exercised by political actors through the use of SM within Chadwick’s (2017) hybrid media system. In order to do so it firstly examines the existence of references to the Twitter and Facebook pages of politicians of the German right-wing populist party AfD within the coverage of four German newspapers about the party during the final phase of the 2017 General Federal Election campaign. Secondly, by employing issue competition theory, issues and topics that three AfD politicians communicated about on their SM pages are compared with those that the party has been covered in relation to in newspaper articles. The findings of the quantitative content analysis on the newspaper articles showed only few cases in which AfD politicians’ SM statements were quoted. In regard to issue competition theory, the quantitative mapping of issues and topics in newspaper coverage about the AfD as well its politicians’ SM statements however, demonstrate prevailing similarities between the issues and topics that dominated the newspaper coverage about the party as well as its politicians SM pages. A thematic analysis on the latter found three themes that suggest a possible explanation for the few cases in which newspaper articles referenced SM statements: All three politicians used SM differently to promote, circulate and comment on issues and topics which influenced whether statements originated from the platform or from other contexts, such as rally events, tv debates, media article etc. These different types of content distributed and published on the politicians’ SM pages could be a possible explanation for the limited instances in which SM statements were quoted by newspaper articles. These findings suggest that the AfD did indeed pursued a bypassing strategy and employed SM platforms to directly communicate with its supporters. However, future studies should continue research on the embeddedness of SM statements in contexts other than campaigning times. Furthermore insights from qualitative interviews with politicians about their utilization strategies and journalists regarding their possible hesitance to quote politicians’ SM Statements, that may be grounded in professional standards, are necessary in order to obtain a more complete assessment of the role of SM for political actors in navigating the hybrid media system.

During the Covid-19 vaccination in Croatia, there were inconsistencies and irregularities with the surplus vaccine and its recipients. Media coverage of the affair was extensive. The details were broadcasted in traditional media and social media. Like many other spheres of social life, the media system has progressed under the baton of technological and communication changes. The destabilisation of traditionally conducted communication required the adaptation and reshaping of all its actors. This study argues that we live in a hybrid media system, where traditional media and social media are in symbiosis (Chadwick, 2013) and are interconnected. The study aims to investigate what makes online content viral and discuss findings in a hybrid media context. The study conducts a content analysis, examining articles posted on media organisation web pages and their Facebook pages covering the vaccination affair. The variables in the analysis are based on the virality concept (taken from the field of marketing).

This study explores the discursive construction of Chinese women in the Chinese reality show Sisters Who Make Waves, with a special focus on the discursive shifts and their relevance to the wider discourse of and about Chinese women. The analysis is carried out on two levels: the discursive construction of Chinese women in the said reality show and its recontextualisation across other discourses including in the public sphere and semi-private opinions of Chinese women.  This research discusses the discursive construction of Chinese women in the Chinese media field and the discrepancy between “top-down” and “bottom-up” discourse. The project uses a multi-layer theoretical framework situated in media and society, gender and media representation, celebrity culture and digital labour to explore the discursive construction of Chinese women. The study applies to the reality show as the primary context, media perceptions as the recontextualising context, interviews with female employees in the Chinese internet industry as the secondary context. In order to investigate the arguments and discursive strategies in different contexts, this study employs a multilevel model of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).  The findings discover that the said reality show focuses on the topos of age and the topos of beauty. These two main topoi cause different representations of social actors in Chinese media perceptions. As the representatives of female digital labour, the female employees in the Chinese internet industry construct three discursive strategies of self and relate their self-perception to those of other women. Furthermore, the study implies the discursive shifts in the discourse on Chinese women. This thesis contributes to understanding the discursive construction of women in the Chinese context, particularly the media and gender representations in the Chinese hybrid media system. In addition, this study stands outside the Western world and expands the understanding of the topic in a non-western setting.

本研究針對 2014 年 3 月至 4 月期間的太陽花運動三大事件（佔領立法院、衝進行政院、以及凱達格蘭大道集結）作個案研究，採質性研究的深度訪談法和資料蒐集法取得研究資料，援引 Bruno Latour 的「行動者網絡理論」（Actor Network Theory）概念進行分析，探討大眾媒體與另類媒體在當代政治抗議場域裡，如何以現有傳播科技做創新使用與傳播實踐，而科技和人的互動又如何對訊息發布與呈現方式造成影響，勾勒出人人皆可參與的政治抗議情境之下，傳播行動者如何受新舊媒體模式交織影響。 / This paper traces the contemporary hybrid media network in a Taiwanese political protest context, focusing mainly on the 2014 Sunflower Movement (also known as “Occupy Parliament”) in Taiwan. The proliferation of digital media use in this protest, makes it a significant case study in regards to finding the complex media networks of tech-savvy activists and mainstream media at work in recent political protests. To answer the complex nature of this network, this paper employs Actor Network Theory (ANT) as a framework to depict the evolving media network of contemporary political protests in Taiwan through first-hand accounts of alternative media activists and mainstream journalists. This research conducts a set of qualitative interviews with heterogenous actors who participated in the Sunflower Movement. Additional data is collected from online documents of the event. In the end, the research seeks to answer the following questions: How do new and old media form links through technology and digital tools in modern political protest? What is the nature of the associations formed and how do the associations impact the existing news ecology in political protests? Further providing an empirical account of transforming protest media networks in action in a political protest context.