The aim of this study is to explore the experiences of some young adults that have grown up in two Millionprogramme neighbourhoods of Malmö. The study is based on eleven semi-structured interviews with five young women and six young men revolving around friends, family, education, and work. The study uses the concept of social capital in analysing the informant's experiences. The paper considers various theories on social capital, but pays a closer attention on the interplay of different forms of capital as explained by Pierre Bourdieu. Hence, looking closely at the social, cultural and symbolic resources as forms of 'capital' and their convertibility into other resources, the study acknowledges the interplay between all forms of capital enabling advantage or overcoming disadvantages. It shows that both symbolic and cultural capital has a strong impact on the building of social networks. Cultural capital, manifesting itself in different ways; way of thinking, behaving, taste of music or clothes, way of speaking etc, – depending on its symbolic value in a society – may enable or hinder groups of people to advantage or overcoming disadvantage.

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This study investigates the state of the public debate in Swedish mainstream media on the right to asylum. The study combines Bacchi's WPR(What’s the problem represented to be)-analysis with Hallin’s sphere theory to compare the discourse on the right to asylum in editorials in three Swedish newspapers, with different political profiles, in the five months leading up to the elections in 2018 and 2022, respectively. The results of the study show no clear difference between the two years, but, in both years, a clear difference between the conservative moderate newspaper SvD and the liberal newspaper DN, where indications show the right to asylum in Hallin’s sphere of consensus in DN and in Hallin’s sphere of legitimate controversy in SvD. Also in Aftonbladet are indications of the right to asylum being in Hallin's sphere of consensus, though conclusions are harder to draw, due to the scarcity of the material.

This thesis investigates strategies of digital activism pursued by Indigenous activists in the age of Reconciliation in Canada. The point of departure is the relationship between Indigenous people and the settler establishment, which has been historically informed by several attempts to assimilate the Natives into the white majority. Discarding the integration concept in IMER research as colonial, this study focuses instead on anticolonial advocacy strategies pursued through Indigenous knowledge within digital environments. It does so by adopting digital ethnography as method and conducting participant observation of one selected Indigenous association on Instagram. In line with these premises, Indigenous theories are operationalized into a context-specific analytical framework. This approach leads to two overarching results. On the one hand, four recurrent motifs are identified as key in Indigenous digital advocacy in the age of Reconciliation in Canada. On the other hand, a full set of anticolonial strategies is recognized as the alternative response to Reconciliation.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the discourses that come in contact with the word “segregation” in the news and what it stems to. Because of the potential power that the news has over steering discourses it’s important to question your sources, to get an accurate picture of the world. In Sweden, there’s a broad housing segregation that is often covered in the news, and we seldom have power to choose how we take in information when it is presented to ourselves in a certain way. Seeing what the news deems as important shows us what we are presented with as important.  Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet were chosen because of a number of factors, but the most important is that they are well-established newspapers that vary in the political spectrum. Both a quantitative and qualitative approach is used. This to get a deeper understanding of the material. By using a discourse analysis it’s not only the content that is analyzed, but it also takes the context, existing hegemonies and our familiarity to the subject into consideration. Therefore, a critical discourse analysis is applied on the material, not only to read the material, but to understand it.  The conclusion is that there are some hegemonic tendencies in the material, and a one-sided perspective. People in segregated areas are more often than not described as immigrants and individuals with other ethnicities that are unemployed. Also described with limited resources and capabilities to escape their socio-economic situation. It’s concluded that the one-sided picture shown is harmful.

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This study examines the integration of female refugees who struggle to establish themselves in their new homes. Integration is widely researched in the field of migration, however the female perspective in African countries is minimally present in this debate. A focus is placed on barriers to their integration, and whether this affects their social and economic integration. Remaining obstacles to integration for refugees can be overcome by incorporating the female perspective into which barriers they face in integrating into their community. To the author’s knowledge, research in female refugee integration in Tanzania is scarcely produced in the academic field. Recent figures published by the World Bank (2020) showsthat the number of female migrants in the Sub-Saharan region was 48.3%. This number will only increase in the coming decades, particularly in Africa (Rubiano-Matulevich and Beegle, 2018). Therefore, investigating females' needs in this region proves critical to improving integration in the years to come. Refugee integration is the academic topic underpinning the context of this research. This topic fits into the category of peace and development because the subjects studied link into the economic, social, and political development of the area and region they are living in. The research is conducted employing a qualitative approach with semi-structured interviews with stakeholders and key informants in Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. The information they reveal in the interviews are used as data. The data is transcribed and coded into thematic subheadings in the results chapter. Ager and Strang’s (2008) integration framework in conjunction with intersectional feminist theory are the frameworks used to help analyse the data. Limitations arose from participants being unwilling to answer some questions because of the nature of the topic.  The research revealed that women and girl refugees experience barriers to integration in domains of their health, security, infrastructure, and livelihoods. Poor nutritional standards and inadequate infrastructure leave females with excess struggles as refugees. This is the case because of the intersecting categories they are placed in regarding their gender, age, and status as refugee. Improved facilities and responses to refugees that are gender specific is a way to improve integration outcomes for female refugees in Tanzania.

Although the reality of Swedish race relations is very complex, Sweden presents itself to the world as a colorblind utopia where race does not exist. Since the mid-1900s, Sweden has embraced an anti-racist rhetoric that developed into post-racism and colorblindness, where race is not seen, and racial discrimination is not acknowledged as a societal problem. This study seeks to problematize the complexities of Swedish post-racism and colorblindness. By drawing on previous research, it is clear that the Swedish hegemony has not been thoroughly deconstructed, which necessitates further studies in this area. By drawing on the WPR approach to poststructural policy analysis, this study looks at how Swedish law is influenced by the narratives of colorblindness and details the shortcomings of excluding the term ‘race’ from legislation. Furthermore, this study employs expert interviews to access the knowledge of experts on how colorblindness and post-racism came to be. It is concluded in this thesis that the post-racist and colorblind perception of Sweden influences Swedish law in negative ways and that the removal of the term race is a denial of the existence of a racial hierarchy in Sweden.

Utgångspunkten i studien är den inre utlänningskontrollen ochförutsättningarna härför. Inre utlänningskontroll syftar till att kontrollera att personer inte uppehåller sig i landet utan tillstånd respektive sökaefter personer som ska lämna landet efter beslut om avvisning ellerutvisning. Det kan också handla om att söka kriminella eller potentiellt kriminella personer som inte får uppehålla sig inom Schengensamarbetets område. Polisen ansvarar för verksamheten och den ska bli mera effektiv sedan Sverige gick med i det så kallade Schengensamarbetet. Avhandlingen är flervetenskaplig till sin natur och fokuserar på polisens arbete utifrån ett juridiskt och sociologiskt perspektiv inom ramen för ett IMER-relevant område. Etnicitetsaspekten finns med som en röd tråd genom framställningen. Allmänna förutsättningar för polisarbete generellt samt rättsstatliga ideal i relation till konkret polisarbete diskuteras. Vidare görs en beskrivning av regelverket och vad som därtill hör i form av förarbeten och praxis. Genom ett migrationsteoretiskt perspektiv sätts kontrollen i en större kontext. Ett resultat av de fältarbeten som genomförts är att inre utlänningskontroll utmynnar i ett dilemma som alltid måste hanteras. Dilemmat består i en dragkamp mellan att respektera mänskliga rättigheter och att arbeta så effektivt som möjligt. Här föreligger det en risk för etnisk diskriminering. Som lagstiftningen är utformad är risken stor att polisens maktutövning blir godtycklig och att poliser tänjer på, eller försöker kringgå, lagen för att leva upp till kraven på så många kontroller som möjligt. Studien visar också att det är stor skillnad mellan hur olika poliser resonerar när de utför inre utlänningskontroll.

No description available.