The present study is an examination of a classroom-based intervention with five critical components of (a) defining and teaching desired behavior with cultural consideration, (b) increasing acknowledgement for African American students, (c) responding to unwanted behavior using an instructional approach, (d) using disaggregated data by race to guide intervention implementation, and (e) providing coaching to enhance intervention implementation. The study is a concurrent multiple-baseline single-case design across four general education teachers ranging from kindergarten to seventh grade. Results from the study indicate a functional relation between intervention implementation and increased rates of praise and decreased rates of reprimands for African American students. In addition, data show equitable increases in praise across both racial groups and decreases in reprimand disparities between racial groups during intervention. Teachers implementing the intervention found it to be acceptable, effective, and a good fit within their school and classroom contexts. The findings from this study suggest this intervention may help to close the discipline gap between African American students and their peers.

MSc (Med), Bioethics and Health Law, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand / Rising levels of obesity pose a major threat to the public health system in South Africa and in many other parts of the world. Yet the question of whether or not the prevention of obesity should become a matter for public health remains contentious. In this research report, I explore the issues that surround a high burden of obesity in South Africa, including some contributing factors and arguments for and against public health intervention. I will show how globalization, a consumerist culture and the media's representation of "the good life" have contributed to the obesity epidemic. In this context, I will argue that the South African government has a responsibility to curb increases in obesity levels.

No description available.

The effectiveness of attention and working memory (A/WM) training programs in improving executive functions (EFs) is heavily debated. The objective of the current study was to evaluate the efficacy of a game-based process-specific cognitive intervention program (Dino Island; DI), on improving attention, working memory (WM), and pre-literacy skills in preschoolers. A secondary objective was to evaluate the feasibility of delivering DI intervention in community settings. Dino Island is an intervention program that consists of five hierarchically structured tasks that target attention and WM. The intervention also involves the teaching of metacognitive strategies to facilitate transfer effects to daily activities. The DI intervention was delivered to preschoolers (ages four to six years) during regular school days. Ten preschoolers were randomly assigned to either an active DI intervention group, or an educational games control group, with five participants in each group. All participants completed 12 hours of intervention over an eight to ten-week period. Children’s attention, EF and school readiness was assessed pre and post intervention using cognitive measures, rating scales and interviews. Non-parametric test results found significant changes in working memory for the DI intervention group (p = .03), however, results did not show significant gains in other abilities. A case study approach was then utilized to further explore outcomes for children in the DI intervention condition. The results suggest that DI training can potentially lead to gains in WM among preschool children, providing preliminary evidence of its efficacy within this age groups. DI is also feasible to be delivered within school settings during regular school hours. / Graduate

Hundreds of research articles have been published about variables related to bystander helping behavior. Although significant gender differences have been found in bystander intervention research, the results have been incongruent with little explanation about the relationship between gender and bystander interventions. This study assessed the relationship between conformity to masculine role norms and bystander intervention behavior. In this study, 200 college students completed the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory-46 (CMNI-46) to determine the relationship between conformity to masculine norms and the level of bystander intervention selected on the Bystander Intervention Measure (BIM). It was hypothesized that a significant main effect would exist between conformity to masculine norms and the types of bystander interventions selected. Participants also completed surveys on bystander self-efficacy, bystander intervention decision making, and prosocial tendencies (Prosocial Tendencies Measure). Four hypotheses were developed for this study. It was hypothesized that there would be a statistically significant difference in scores on the five CMNI-46 subscales of winning, emotional control, risk-taking, violence, and self-reliance and the degree of involvement and immediacy of bystander interventions the four subscales of the Bystander Intervention Measure (BIM); that the five CMNI-46 subscales will still account for more variance regarding the degree of involvement and immediacy of bystander interventions even after controlling for prosocial tendencies from the PTM subscales; that there would be a statistically significant difference in scores on the five CMNI-46 subscales and the six PTM subscales, and that the five CMNI-46 subscales would predict bystander self-efficacy and decision making scores.

<p>Abstract</p><p>This essay has as its purpose to discuss the current legal regulation of the concept of humanitarian intervention. The inconsistencies in the debate over the legal status of this concept, and the legal uncertainty it brings to the acts of states and the lives of their nationals is a motivating factor for the writing of this essay. However, it has been clear from the outset that the concept of humanitarian intervention is intricately connected to political and moral ideas and values. Thus, the attitude taken towards this doctrine will be highly dependent on the perspectives of the state, government or single author representing it.</p><p>Following this starting point, the aim of this essay is not to present a single answer as to whether humanitarian intervention is, or is not, legal, but to research, compare and analyze the different arguments put forward in this subject in international law today. Hopefully, this will provide the reader of this essay with some insight into the sources of international law of today and how the principles of state sovereignty, non-intervention, the prohibition of force and the protection of human rights relate to the concept of humanitarian intervention.</p><p>A frank overview of the UN Charter does not support use of force except in the case of self-defence or without a Security Council mandate. Because of the unique character of the Charter and the UN system itself, any interpretation of the Charter will have to consider not only the letter of the Charter but its founding purposes and principles, as well as its function and tasks in international society today. Taking into account this wider perception of the Charter, there have been propositions to interpret the key articles and principles on the use of force in the Charter in such a way that the concept of humanitarian intervention completely circumvents the prohibition on the use of force and the principle of non-intervention. This interpretation, however, has been rejected by the currently most authoritative writers in international law and has received a, to say the least, mixed support among the community of states. The main reason for this is that such an interpretation of the Charter overlooks the travaux preparatoires of the Charter as well as the purposes and functions of the UN, and would produce a result contrary to the peace-building aims of the UN.</p><p>As regards the state practice connected to the relevant regulations of the UN Charter, this essay has shown that the consistency, generality and uniformity of this practise is not sufficient to conclude that a new interpretative regime has been accepted by the states that would allow for humanitarian intervention beyond what is provided for today by the explicit support of the UN Charter. Neither has the claims of a customary rule allowing humanitarian intervention, independent of the rules of the UN Charter, been proved to exist as a result of consistent state practice and an accompanying opinio juris. Still, states have been seen to resort to the use of force claiming a right to humanitarian intervention, and there is recognition of such a doctrine in the writing of several authors. This perception may partly be a consequence of the American dominance in the writing on the subject, and the selectivity that such a limited perspective brings to the overview of the legal position of humanitarian intervention. However, there is proof in the practice of the UN and the instruments concluded by states within the UN system of a new perspective of the state and its responsibility towards its own citizens. Coupled with the emergence of human rights instruments within the UN, there is a possibility that this perspective will bring changes in the values and workings of the UN system and the community of states as a whole. This change may perhaps in the future allow for a doctrine of humanitarian intervention in cases of extreme humanitarian distress.</p><p>However, the risks of misuse of such a new right, as well as the difficulties of formulating a set of criteria for this doctrine that would encompass the will and interests of all states demand that such a development, however mindful of the urgency of the human suffering necessary to counter with such a doctrine, will have to take its time and be conducted with great care to produce a sustainable result.</p>

Research has demonstrated that many children and adolescents exhibiting behavior problems also evidence serious reading problems as well as a low self-efficacy (i.e., belief in their ability) toward reading. The consequences of these problems on both the student (e.g., dropping out of school) and society as a whole (e.g., cost to taxpayers) are serious and, in most cases, preventable. In order to prevent students from dropping out of school and to empower teachers with a method for removing disruptive students from the classroom, many states have implemented alternative education programs. The purpose of this study was to implement an effective reading intervention in a disciplinary alternative school where students were assigned from 20-40 days for infractions such as fighting, threatening others, and excessive office referrals. The design consisted of a series of 26 single-case AB studies. Subjects were ages 12-16 in a mid-sized city in Central Texas. There were 19 males and 7 females. Subjects were mostly of African American and Hispanic backgrounds, and the majority received some form of special education services. Data were analyzed using visual and statistical single case model techniques. Results suggest that an intensive oral reading fluency program can positively impact the oral reading fluency, accuracy, comprehension, self-efficacy toward reading, and social comparison with regard to the reading ability of students placed in a disciplinary alternative education program on a short-term basis.

<p>Missbruk av alkohol är ett växande samhällsproblem som orsakar stora lidanden såväl för den enskilde individen som för samhället. I Sverige kostar detta 160 miljarder kronor per år efter att intäkterna från alkoholskatten är borträknade. En hel del av de individer som kommer i kontakt med hälso- och sjukvården av olika skäl har en riskfylld alkoholkonsumtion. Motiverande samtal (MI) är en samtalsmetod som kan användas när behov av beteendeförändring föreligger. Metoden lägger vikt vid individens egen motivation till förändring. Syftet med litteraturstudien var att undersöka om MI kan vara en fungerande metod för sjuksköterskan för att stödja individer med en riskfylld alkoholkonsumtion. Resultatet visar att MI är en bra metod som ofta ger bättre resultat än andra interventioner. Dock visar även andra och ibland mycket begränsade insatser på positiva resultat. Detta sammantaget visar att det är lönsamt för sjuksköterskan att ta upp alkoholfrågan och MI kan vara en användbar metod. Just nu satsas det stort för att sprida MI inom hälso- och sjukvård och det vore fördelaktigt om MI fick ta plats i sjuksköterskeutbildningen.</p>

Missbruk av alkohol är ett växande samhällsproblem som orsakar stora lidanden såväl för den enskilde individen som för samhället. I Sverige kostar detta 160 miljarder kronor per år efter att intäkterna från alkoholskatten är borträknade. En hel del av de individer som kommer i kontakt med hälso- och sjukvården av olika skäl har en riskfylld alkoholkonsumtion. Motiverande samtal (MI) är en samtalsmetod som kan användas när behov av beteendeförändring föreligger. Metoden lägger vikt vid individens egen motivation till förändring. Syftet med litteraturstudien var att undersöka om MI kan vara en fungerande metod för sjuksköterskan för att stödja individer med en riskfylld alkoholkonsumtion. Resultatet visar att MI är en bra metod som ofta ger bättre resultat än andra interventioner. Dock visar även andra och ibland mycket begränsade insatser på positiva resultat. Detta sammantaget visar att det är lönsamt för sjuksköterskan att ta upp alkoholfrågan och MI kan vara en användbar metod. Just nu satsas det stort för att sprida MI inom hälso- och sjukvård och det vore fördelaktigt om MI fick ta plats i sjuksköterskeutbildningen.

Abstract This essay has as its purpose to discuss the current legal regulation of the concept of humanitarian intervention. The inconsistencies in the debate over the legal status of this concept, and the legal uncertainty it brings to the acts of states and the lives of their nationals is a motivating factor for the writing of this essay. However, it has been clear from the outset that the concept of humanitarian intervention is intricately connected to political and moral ideas and values. Thus, the attitude taken towards this doctrine will be highly dependent on the perspectives of the state, government or single author representing it. Following this starting point, the aim of this essay is not to present a single answer as to whether humanitarian intervention is, or is not, legal, but to research, compare and analyze the different arguments put forward in this subject in international law today. Hopefully, this will provide the reader of this essay with some insight into the sources of international law of today and how the principles of state sovereignty, non-intervention, the prohibition of force and the protection of human rights relate to the concept of humanitarian intervention. A frank overview of the UN Charter does not support use of force except in the case of self-defence or without a Security Council mandate. Because of the unique character of the Charter and the UN system itself, any interpretation of the Charter will have to consider not only the letter of the Charter but its founding purposes and principles, as well as its function and tasks in international society today. Taking into account this wider perception of the Charter, there have been propositions to interpret the key articles and principles on the use of force in the Charter in such a way that the concept of humanitarian intervention completely circumvents the prohibition on the use of force and the principle of non-intervention. This interpretation, however, has been rejected by the currently most authoritative writers in international law and has received a, to say the least, mixed support among the community of states. The main reason for this is that such an interpretation of the Charter overlooks the travaux preparatoires of the Charter as well as the purposes and functions of the UN, and would produce a result contrary to the peace-building aims of the UN. As regards the state practice connected to the relevant regulations of the UN Charter, this essay has shown that the consistency, generality and uniformity of this practise is not sufficient to conclude that a new interpretative regime has been accepted by the states that would allow for humanitarian intervention beyond what is provided for today by the explicit support of the UN Charter. Neither has the claims of a customary rule allowing humanitarian intervention, independent of the rules of the UN Charter, been proved to exist as a result of consistent state practice and an accompanying opinio juris. Still, states have been seen to resort to the use of force claiming a right to humanitarian intervention, and there is recognition of such a doctrine in the writing of several authors. This perception may partly be a consequence of the American dominance in the writing on the subject, and the selectivity that such a limited perspective brings to the overview of the legal position of humanitarian intervention. However, there is proof in the practice of the UN and the instruments concluded by states within the UN system of a new perspective of the state and its responsibility towards its own citizens. Coupled with the emergence of human rights instruments within the UN, there is a possibility that this perspective will bring changes in the values and workings of the UN system and the community of states as a whole. This change may perhaps in the future allow for a doctrine of humanitarian intervention in cases of extreme humanitarian distress. However, the risks of misuse of such a new right, as well as the difficulties of formulating a set of criteria for this doctrine that would encompass the will and interests of all states demand that such a development, however mindful of the urgency of the human suffering necessary to counter with such a doctrine, will have to take its time and be conducted with great care to produce a sustainable result.