[pt] Este trabalho procura entender o que levou o Irã a passar de um papel de aliado ao de um inimigo dos Estados Unidos. Busca compreender como as hostilidades que passaram a existir somente entre Irã e Estados Unidos foram produzidas como uma ameaça para toda comunidade internacional. Na medida em que os Estados Unidos desempenham um papel de liderança nesta, um país que representa uma ameaça para os Estados Unidos passa a representar uma ameaça pública. O nacionalismo político Islâmico será apresentado como uma forma de resistência à lógica da modernidade. O ponto de ruptura entre estas nações ocorreu, segundo a visão norte-americana, no ano de 1979 com a chamada Revolução Iraniana – e, por conseguinte, com o sequestro da embaixada americana no Irã-, em contrapartida o momento de ruptura desta relação na visão iraniana se deu em 1953 com o Golpe de Estado que depôs o Primeiro-Ministro Muhammad Mossadeq. Também deve se levar em consideração que essa caracterização de um país como um todo, ou seja, sua política, religião, seus programas de desenvolvimento, etc como ameaçadores são um processo construtivo de valores. Este trabalho tenta desnaturalizar essa imagem ameaçadora que o Irã tem na comunidade internacional, que, cria as condições de possibilidade para práticas violentas dirigidas a esse Estado. Para isso, será utilizada a teoria pós-colonial, uma vez que os autores pós-coloniais acreditam que a dominação econômica do Ocidente sobre o Oriente, viabilizada principalmente pelo colonialismo, foi capaz de abarcar também a dominação cultural destes povos. / [en] This work seeks to understand what led Iran to move from a role of an ally to an enemy of the United States. Seeks to understand how the hostilities which now exist only between Iran and the United States were produced as a threat to all international community. To the extent that the United States play a leading role in this, a country that is a threat to the United States happens to represent a public menace. The Islamic political nationalism will be presented as a form of resistance to the logic of modernity. The breaking point occurred between these nations, according to the American view, in 1979 with the so-called Iranian Revolution - and therefore with the kidnapping of the American embassy in Iran , in return the time to break this relationship in Iranian view was in 1953 with the coup d état that deposed Prime Minister Muhammad Mossadeq. Should also take into consideration that this characterization of a country as a whole, their politics, religion, development programs, etc as threatening is a process of constructive values. This paper attempts to denaturalize this image "threatening" Iran has in the international community, which creates the conditions of possibility for violent actions directed to that State. This will be used to post-colonial theory, since postcolonial authors believe that the economic dominance of the West over the East, made possible mainly by colonialism, was able to encompass also the cultural domination of these peoples.

[pt] A presente pesquisa se propõe a estudar o significado das expressões paulinas: um vaso para honra, e outro para desonra [...] vasos de ira, que foram preparados para a destruição, [...] vasos de misericórdia, os quais preparou de antemão para a glória, no texto de Rm 9,19-29. O objetivo é entender se, nesta passagem bíblica, o Apóstolo Paulo trataria realmente de predestinação dupla ou absoluta, como foi compreendido pela maioria dos reformadores protestantes do século XVI. Para a pesquisa, primeiramente foi levantado o status quaestionis (estado da questão), com a interpretação de vários exegetas sobre estas expressões difíceis da perícope. Em seguida, é realizada a exegese do texto de Rm 9,19-29, lançando-se para isso mão dos seguintes dois métodos: Histórico-Crítico e Análise Retórica Bíblico-Semítica. Finalmente, é feito um comentário bíblico-exegético-teológico da perícope, com aplicação do Método do Uso do Antigo Testamento no Novo Testamento. / [en] The present thesis proposes to study the meaning of the Pauline expressions: a vessel for honor, and another for dishonor [...] vessels of wrath, which were prepared for destruction, [...] vessels of mercy, whose were prepared for glory beforehand, in the text of Rm 9,19-29. The objective is to understand whether, in this biblical passage, the Apostle Paul would really deal with double or absolute predestination, as was understood by most Protestant reformers of the sixteenth century. For research, the status quaestionis (state of the matter) was first raised, with the interpretation of several exegetes on these difficult expressions of the pericope. Then, the exegesis of the text of Rm 9,19-29 is carried out, using the following two methods: Historical-Critical and Biblical-Semitic Rhetorical Analysis. Finally, a biblical-exegetical-theological comment is made on the pericope, applying the Method of the Use of the Old Testament in the New Testament.

No description available.

When Mormons arrived in northern Arizona among the Navajo and Hopi Indians in the late 1850s, Mormon-Indian relations were initially friendly. It was not too long, however, before trouble began in conflicts over water use and land rights. Federal agents would soon consider Mormons a threat to the peaceful Hopis because both the Navajo and Mormons were expanding their land claims. Indian agents relentlessly pleaded with Washington to establish a separate Indian reservation. They anticipated this reservation would satisfy all three parties, but its creation in 1882 only created more problems, climaxing in the 1892 death of Lot Smith at the hands of Atsidí, the local Navajo headman. Tensions continued to increase until federal agents intervened in 1900 and placed Tuba City under a Presidential Executive Order. The order withdrew Tuba City from white claims and resulted in the expulsion of the Mormons from Tuba City in 1903. My contribution is to show how the Navajo and Hopi Indians may have considered the coming of the Mormons as an invasion by a group of foreigners which led to the resulting contest between the trios for the limited natural resources of the northern Arizona desert. Tuba City/Moenkopi has a complicated history and its origins remain contested because it was claimed not only by Mormons, but also by the Navajos and Hopi. Previous historians have neglected the wealth of history that come from using Native American oral histories. This thesis will include the Native point of view but will also integrate it with Mormon and non-Mormon narratives. Doing so will provide another perspective on some of the following: the founding of Tuba City, the creation of the 1882 and 1900 Executive Orders for Navajo and Hopi reservation expansions, the death of the Mormon Lot Smith, and Native American-Mormon relations in the late 1800s in northern Arizona.

Starting in August 1942 the United States and United Kingdom started waging a strategic bombing offensive against Germany. Throughout the course of the 1942 and 1943 campaigns, American and British air forces struggled to gain the upper hand in the European air war. By November 1943 American and British defeats at the hands of the German Air Force, or Luftwaffe, had placed the air war in doubt. By February 1944, the air war had turned around in favor of the Allies. This dramatic turn of events has been explained by historians in a number of ways. The most popular narrative is that the introduction of the long range escort fighter, the P-51 "Mustang," turned the tide in the air war. Another narrative is that there was a change in the fighter tactics. Starting in January 1944, American fighters stopped defending the bombers and started aggressively pursuing German fighters. Yet, these analyses do not include a major command changes that took place from November to January 1944. After his appointment to command of Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force, General Dwight D. Eisenhower used his position centralize all of the major air commands in Europe under his control. By unifying the air commands, the Allies were able to better coordinate and concentrate their air against Germany. In February 1944 the Allies focused their air forces against the Luftwaffe ultimately wearing down German fighter strength. After finally removing a major obstacle impending the strategic air war against Germany, the Allies concentrated their air forces against transportation and oil targets. The destruction of these two major economic systems crippled Germany's ability to fight the Allies in 1944 and 1945. By changing the command structure, Eisenhower was able to use his air forces in successful coordinated strategic air offensives that the Allies had previously been incapable of accomplishing.

No description available.

The following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations. As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other. The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".